The role and types of adolescent groups. Description of the main types of adolescent groups

Just like the social structures of adults, adolescent societies can be divided into formal and informal groups. Informal societies are commonly referred to as loosely structured groups of out-of-school youth who come together but have little opportunity to take part in a formally organized network of social relationships. The exception is teenage street gangs that exist as separate independent subgroups.

According to psychologists, 75% of minors commit crimes (robbery, robbery, theft, hooliganism) in composition of groups. Juvenile delinquency- it gang crimes.

Psychological characteristics of adolescence

The famous American psychologist Stanley Hall called the period of puberty a period of " storm and stress". Development at this stage is proceeding at a rapid pace, especially many changes are observed in terms of personality formation. The main feature of a teenager is personal instability.

Anna Freud noted: "Adolescents are exclusively selfish, consider themselves the center of the universe and the only object worthy of interest, and at the same time, in none of the subsequent periods of their lives are they capable of such devotion and self-sacrifice... On the one hand, they are enthusiastically involved in the life of the community, and on the other hand, they are seized by a passion for loneliness. They vacillate between blind obedience to their chosen leader and defiant rebellion against any and all authority... Sometimes their behavior towards other people rough and unceremoniously, although they themselves incredibly vulnerable. Their mood fluctuates between shining optimism and most gloomy pessimism...»

Leading activities during this period - communication. Children at this time have many acquaintances and informal groups or companies are formed. Adolescents can be united into a group not only by mutual sympathy, but also by common interests, activities, ways of entertainment, and a place to spend free time. What a teenager receives from a group and what he can give to it depends on the level of development of the group in which he enters.

During this age period, children are so attracted to each other, their communication is so intense that they speak of a typical adolescent “grouping reaction”.

Another significant area of ​​adolescent relations is relations with adults, primarily with parents. According to data obtained over the past ten years in the USA 36, it is clear that adolescents are not guided only by their peers or only by their parents. The younger the teenager, the more likely he is to agree with the values ​​and habits of his parents, and the less peer influence. As can be seen from the table, at this age, parents to a greater extent determined even the choice of clothing and food.

Parent-to-peer influence ratio on a range of issues (Thompson, d. N., 1985)

Parents (%)

Peers (%)

Best friend (%)

Choosing clothes for school

What clothes to buy

When to return home

Whether to attend a party

Food preferences

How to spend money

How to spend free time

What TV shows to watch

Music selection

Choice of reading material

Manner of speech

Code of conduct

Church visit

Opinions about people

Sports preferences

Tips for personal problems

Hairstyle

Choice of clubs

The degree of orientation towards parents or peers depends on socio-economic status, gender. For example, boys have more disagreements with their parents than girls, but if girls disagree with their parents about something, as a rule, this is detected at an earlier age, which is a manifestation of earlier maturity in females.

Young people who are strongly emotionally attached to their parents are more likely to be "parental" than those who are hostile or rejective of their parents.

No matter how much parents and caregivers would like, but 85% of all teenagers go through spontaneous group communication. In domestic preventive psychology, there are three types of elemental groups:

    Prosocial, or socially positive;

    asocial(standing aside from social problems, with their narrow group values);

    antisocial, or socially negative.

Three-fifths of teenage groups are preparing for pro-social groups: ecological societies, cultural and socio-political organizations, etc. Intermediate leisure groups include “fans”, “rockers”, “metalheads”, “breakers”, etc.

All these groups are a breeding ground for criminogenic groups. The main reason for their occurrence is the “prohibitive” attitude of adults towards youth fashion and reinsurance. The best way to deal with them is to "legalize" them, giving them free choice when they feel free and independent.

Special group - informal associations, where the connecting rod:

    Lifestyle

  • spiritual values

    paraphernalia

Hippie- complete freedom, including sex; equality and tolerance; rejection of any regulation.

Punks– internal hierarchy; ritual "omission"; cynical attitude towards girls; neglect of the law and the criminal code; decrease in the value of one's own life.

Hailafists- promotion of "beautiful life"; refined manners; luxury lifestyle; career aspirations; restrictions on contacts with "dullness", "cattle".

Prerequisites for unfavorable dynamics of group social orientation: isolation, corporatism, isolation.

Deviant subcultures

Satanism- a blatant challenge to the dominant system of values ​​in society. Often create rituals for occult books, album covers, movies, videos and performances of heavy metal rock bands. Often observed or involved in physical or sexual abuse of animals or humans, which has a profound traumatic effect on both victims and participants, leading to serious mental disorders.

For some teenagers, participation in such groups is just an expression of the usual youthful rebellion. It was found that the families of teenage Satanists, as a rule, are dysfunctional: parents are prone to violence, the family is incomplete; hereditary mental illness, parental alcoholism, lack of love for the teenager, rejection of him or harsh criticism of him can have an impact. Often, the one who has become the “scapegoat” or “black sheep” in the family turns to the cult, it is they who tend to identify themselves with evil and seek the company of other “hell fiends”.

Skinheads (skinheads) is the most aggressive group of white racists. They promote hatred, bigotry and violence against minorities. They often shave their heads, wear black leather jackets, suspenders, rolled up jeans, and heavy boots; tattoo themselves and wear symbols reflecting neo-Nazism, white supremacy and racial violence. Most gang members are between 16 and 19 years old, but most gangs are made up of 13-14-year-old teenagers who fuel their courage with drugs. They tend to come from broken families and many of them were abused as children.

Asocial groups, in which the environment forms and stimulates the motivation for antisocial behavior: criminogenic and criminal.

Three levels of development of criminogenic groups

1. Pre-criminal - orientation towards anti-social activities: spontaneity, aimless pastime, socially disapproving behavior (gambling, drunkenness, minor offenses).

2. Criminogenic.

3. Criminal - with a system of unwritten laws, norms, values, carefully hidden from others. A clearly organized structure, rigid dependence, a leader, "preferred" and performers.

Above we examined what are the unfavorable conditions of family and school education, leading to deformation of the personality of a minor. Family and school most often have the so-called indirect desocializing influence, as a result of which maladjusted adolescents cease to assimilate the moral values ​​cultivated by the main institutions of socialization, and are guided primarily by the norms and values ​​of informal criminogenic groups. Thus, these groups ultimately play a major role in shaping the personality of juvenile offenders, acting as their reference groups and preferred communication environment. Hence, it is no coincidence that most of the crimes are committed by minors in groups. In particular, as K. E. Igoshev notes, “about 75% of the total number of juveniles studied committed crimes as part of groups. Most often, a group commits such crimes as robbery, robbery, theft, hooliganism (from 80 to 90%), At the same time, mercenary crimes are committed as part of the most stable and long-existing groups, as well as crimes in the form of socially dangerous actions. In general, it would not be an exaggeration to say: juvenile delinquency is a group crime ".

And further, the same author rightly notes that the facts of the formation of groups of teenagers and young men themselves are a natural process. Indeed, it is known that a teenager is characterized by an increased need for communication with peers; teenagers tend to listen to the opinion of their peers more than to the opinion of adults, parents and teachers. This increased desire for communication is explained by age-related patterns of mental development in adolescence, the main psychological neoplasm of which is self-consciousness, which is formed in communication, in interaction with their own kind.

Consequently, the danger is fraught not in general with adolescent communication and informal adolescent groups, but only with those in which the criminalization of minors occurs. To find out what kind of groups these are, it is necessary to dwell in more detail on the characteristics of informal adolescent groups.



According to one of the leading researchers of adolescent informal communication, I. S. Polonsky, about 85% of adolescents and young men go through spontaneous group communication. At the same time, the author believes that the organized school team and the spontaneous communication of adolescents differ in a number of ways. A spontaneous group is prone to self-isolation, extreme isolation from adults, primarily from parents and school. In such groups, a narrow group morality arises, which in a distorted form represents "adult" norms and values ​​that are so desirable for adolescents.

According to the nature of the social orientation, I. S. Polonsky divides spontaneous groups into three types:

1) prosocial or socially positive;

2) asocial, standing apart from the main social problems, closed in the system of narrow group values;

3) antisocial - socially negative groups, 3/5, that is, most of the studied teenage associations belong, according to the author, to prosocial, that is, socially positive and close to this type of associations.

Among the pro-social groups, one should especially single out amateur informal groups of young people that carry a socially significant constructive and transformative beginning, have their own goals, objectives, and program of action. These can be environmental, cultural, socio-political, security-historical and other programs that voluntarily unite young like-minded people. As some researchers note, the "nutrient medium" for criminal teenage groups is by no means an amateur movement of informal youth, but intermediate leisure groups ("fans", "rockers", "lubers", "metalheads", sports fans, "breakers", " jerseys", etc.), which are formed on the basis of their common aesthetic tastes, commitment to individual musical movements, musical, sports idols, newfangled dances, extravagant fashion, etc. The reason that gives rise to such closed group associations is often excessive regulation, bureaucratization of schools, cultural institutions, art, the absence of teenage and youth leisure centers and interest associations, a "prohibitive" attitude towards youth fashion, reinsurance. Hence, the best educational and preventive means to prevent the development of such "taste", leisure associations into asocial and antisocial groups is the "legalization" of young people's hobbies, providing the opportunity for a free choice of leisure activities, opportunities for realizing one's tastes and interests in teenage and youth clubs, centers where children can feel quite autonomous and independent.

A special group are informal youth associations, where the integrating, unifying core is a way of life, their own morality, spiritual values, a kind of subculture, paraphernalia, slang. Such associations and communities are built on the denial of generally accepted morality, on opposing it to a group, often very extravagant subculture. These are, first of all, hippies, punks and high-lifers. If hippies are characterized by complete freedom, including freedom of sexual relations, built on equality and tolerance, rejection of any overorganization and regulation, then punks have relations in the community based on a more rigid principle: an internal hierarchy is allowed and takes place, the ritual of "omission", cynical attitude towards girls, neglect of the law and the criminal code, lowering the value of one's own life.

Highlighters who promote "beautiful life", refined manners, a luxurious lifestyle, an arranged life, connections, career aspirations, also oppose their group subculture to the people around them, whom they refer to as second-class, trying in every possible way to limit their contacts with "dullness", " cattle".

It would be wrong to see behind every, even the most extravagant, group of potential criminals, against whom it is necessary to apply special preventive measures.

However, it should be noted that group isolation, corporatism, isolation of youth informal groups "not included in the system of broader social relations, creates the preconditions for unfavorable dynamics of group social orientation, "transformation", the development of pro-social, leisure associations into asocial, anti-social groups. Thus , the creation of broad opportunities for the realization of various taste preferences in the field of leisure, the independent participation of members of youth groups in organizing their leisure, sports, art, music and other creativity can be attributed to general prevention measures that prevent possible criminalization of informal groups.

It is especially worth dwelling on the characteristics of asocial groups in which criminalization directly takes place.

First of all, these groups gather mainly "difficult" adolescents who are isolated in their classrooms and, in addition, brought up in dysfunctional families. Adolescents with a narrowly egoistic orientation are put forward as leaders in these groups. Thus, in asocial groups, due to their isolation from adults and class groups, their own narrow group values ​​and subordination to a leader with an egoistic orientation, serious prerequisites arise for the criminalization of minors.

Such asocial groups, in which juvenile crimes are not yet committed, but seem to be maturing, are also called criminogenic groups in the literature. So, A. I. Dolgova believes that "criminogenic groups are an environment that forms and stimulates the motivation for antisocial behavior" . Members of criminogenic groups, unlike criminal ones, do not have a clear focus on committing crimes, the norms of criminogenic groups, although they contradict the official ones, still do not strictly define the behavior of their members as criminals. They, as a rule, create situations of conflict with socially positive moral requirements, less often with legal ones. Therefore, members of criminogenic groups commit most crimes in problematic, conflict situations or favorable conditions for this.

In turn, criminal groups are characterized by a clear focus on criminal behavior, they are characterized by illegal norms and prepared, organized crimes. Such criminal groups of minors are quite rare.

Informal adolescent groups are not some static, unchanging socio-psychological formations.

They are characterized by their own group dynamics "a certain development is inherent, as a result of which groups with an asocial orientation can develop into criminogenic or even criminal groups. I. P. Bashkatov suggests, based on the nature of joint activity, which, as you know, determines and mediates relations in a group , allocate three levels of development of criminogenic groups.

1. Pre-criminal or asocial groups adolescents with a focus on antisocial activities. These are spontaneous, spontaneous informal groups at the place of residence. They are characterized by aimless pastime, situational socially unapproved behavior: gambling, drunkenness, minor offenses, etc. Members of the group as a whole do not commit offenses, since they still lack organization and cohesion for this, although individual offenses may already be committed. The main activity of such groups is communication, which is based on empty pastime.

2. Volatile or criminogenic groups characterized by a criminal orientation of group value orientations. Drunkenness, debauchery, money-grubbing, striving for an easy life are becoming the norm in these groups. From minor, criminally non-punishable offenses, group members move on to more socially dangerous actions. However, there is still no pre-arranged and organized criminal activity in these groups, but there is already a tendency to commit crimes by some of its members. According to the terminology of A. R. Ratinov, these groups are closest to "companies of offenders,.

3. Persistent criminal or criminal groups. These are stable associations of teenagers formed for the joint commission of any crimes. Most often, these are thefts, robberies, robberies, hooliganism, violent crimes, etc. They already have a clear organizational structure. A "leading center" stands out - a leader, "preferred", performers. Groups have a system of unwritten laws "norms and values ​​that are carefully hidden from others. Non-observance or violation of these" laws "leads to the disintegration of the group, therefore, violators of the "convention" are prosecuted and punished. In groups, there is a strong dependence of members on each other, the basis of which constitutes mutual responsibility. Therefore, the quantitative composition of such groups is more or less constant. A plan of crimes is developed and approved in advance, roles are assigned, the dates for carrying out "criminal" operations are outlined. Often the members of the group are armed with cold weapons. All this makes such groups the most dangerous, A. R. Ratinov classifies such associations as "gangs", and the armed ones - as "bands", although there are no big differences in the plans for their organization and activities.As already noted, such stable criminal groups are less common among teenagers, but still the practice of investigation crimes registers similar formations.

Thus, as various studies show, spontaneously emerging informal adolescent groups, firstly, differ significantly in the degree of their criminalization, in the degree of involvement in criminal activity, which cannot be ignored in preventive and preventive activities. And, secondly, they are very dynamic in their internal structure, have their own patterns of development and criminalization inherent in them, knowledge and understanding of which are necessary for the successful prevention of juvenile group delinquency.

First of all, in criminal groups of minors, attention is drawn to the fact that most often they were created not for criminal activity, but by chance, for spending time together. Thus, according to Ukrainian researchers, 52% of mercenary and 63% of aggressive crimes were committed by groups that were not organized for criminal activity. But even specially organized groups committed most of the crimes without prior preparation.

Such disorganization, situational nature in the commission of crimes, which characterizes a significant part of criminogenic adolescent groups, makes it necessary to carefully understand those socio-psychological mechanisms that, as it were, spontaneously lead them to criminal activity.

To do this, first of all, it is necessary to consider in more detail the main characteristics of these groups, their composition, who is included in them, what are their norms and other signs of a group subculture, how they are managed, and leadership processes take place.

Just like the social structures of adults, adolescent societies can be divided into formal and informal groups. Informal societies are commonly referred to as loosely structured groups of out-of-school youth who come together but have little opportunity to take part in a formally organized network of social relationships. The exception is teenage street gangs that exist as separate independent subgroups.

According to psychologists, 75% of minors commit crimes (robbery, robbery, theft, hooliganism) in composition of groups.Juvenile delinquency- it gang crimes.

Psychological characteristics of adolescence

The famous American psychologist Stanley Hall called the period of puberty a period of "storm and stress." Development at this stage is proceeding at a rapid pace, especially many changes are observed in terms of personality formation. The main feature of a teenager is personal instability.

Anna Freud noted: “Adolescents are exceptionally selfish, consider themselves the center of the universe and the only subject worthy of interest, and at the same time, in none of the subsequent periods of their lives are they capable of such devotion and self-sacrifice ... On the one hand, they enthusiastically join in community life, and on the other hand, they are seized by a passion for loneliness. They oscillate between blind obedience to their chosen leader and defiant rebellion against any and all authority... Sometimes their behavior towards other people is rude and unceremonious, although they themselves are incredibly vulnerable. Their mood fluctuates between radiant optimism and the most gloomy pessimism ... "

Leading activities during this period - communication. Children at this time have many acquaintances and informal groups or companies are formed. Adolescents can be united into a group not only by mutual sympathy, but also by common interests, activities, ways of entertainment, and a place to spend free time. What a teenager receives from a group and what he can give to it depends on the level of development of the group in which he enters.

During this age period, children are so attracted to each other, their communication is so intense that they speak of a typical adolescent “grouping reaction”.

Another significant area of ​​adolescent relations is relations with adults, primarily with parents. According to data obtained over the past ten years in the USA 36, it is clear that adolescents are not guided only by their peers or only by their parents. The younger the teenager, the more likely he is to agree with the values ​​and habits of his parents, and the less peer influence. As can be seen from the table, at this age, parents to a greater extent determined even the choice of clothing and food.

Correlation of influence of parents and peers on a number of issues (study by Thompson, D.N., 1985)

Parents (%)

Peers (%)

Best friend (%)

Choosing clothes for school

What clothes to buy

When to return home

Whether to attend a party

Food preferences

How to spend money

How to spend free time

What TV shows to watch

Music selection

Choice of reading material

Manner of speech

Code of conduct

Church visit

Opinions about people

Sports preferences

Tips for personal problems

Hairstyle

Choice of clubs

The degree of orientation towards parents or peers depends on socio-economic status, gender. For example, boys have more disagreements with their parents than girls, but if girls disagree with their parents about something, as a rule, this is detected at an earlier age, which is a manifestation of earlier maturity in females.

Young people who are strongly emotionally attached to their parents are more likely to be "parental" than those who are hostile or rejective of their parents.

No matter how much parents and caregivers would like, but 85% of all teenagers go through spontaneous group communication. In domestic preventive psychology, there are three types of elemental groups:

    Prosocial, or socially positive;

    asocial(standing aside from social problems, with their narrow group values);

    antisocial, or socially negative.

Three-fifths of teenage groups are preparing for pro-social groups: ecological societies, cultural and socio-political organizations, etc. Intermediate leisure groups include “fans”, “rockers”, “metalheads”, “breakers”, etc.

All these groups are a breeding ground for criminogenic groups. The main reason for their occurrence is the “prohibitive” attitude of adults towards youth fashion and reinsurance. The best way to deal with them is to "legalize" them, giving them free choice when they feel free and independent.

Special group - informal associations, where the connecting rod:

    Lifestyle

  • spiritual values

    paraphernalia

Hippie- complete freedom, including sex; equality and tolerance; rejection of any regulation.

Punks– internal hierarchy; ritual "omission"; cynical attitude towards girls; neglect of the law and the criminal code; decrease in the value of one's own life.

Hailafists- promotion of "beautiful life"; refined manners; luxury lifestyle; career aspirations; restrictions on contacts with "dullness", "cattle".

Prerequisites for unfavorable dynamics of group social orientation: isolation, corporatism, isolation.

Deviant subcultures

Satanism- a blatant challenge to the dominant system of values ​​in society. Often create rituals for occult books, album covers, movies, videos and performances of heavy metal rock bands. Often observed or involved in physical or sexual abuse of animals or humans, which has a profound traumatic effect on both victims and participants, leading to serious mental disorders.

For some teenagers, participation in such groups is just an expression of the usual youthful rebellion. It was found that the families of teenage Satanists, as a rule, are dysfunctional: parents are prone to violence, the family is incomplete; hereditary mental illness, parental alcoholism, lack of love for the teenager, rejection of him or harsh criticism of him can have an impact. Often, the one who has become the “scapegoat” or “black sheep” in the family turns to the cult, it is they who tend to identify themselves with evil and seek the company of other “hell fiends”.

Skinheads (skinheads) is the most aggressive group of white racists. They promote hatred, bigotry and violence against minorities. They often shave their heads, wear black leather jackets, suspenders, rolled up jeans, and heavy boots; tattoo themselves and wear symbols reflecting neo-Nazism, white supremacy and racial violence. Most gang members are between 16 and 19 years old, but most gangs are made up of 13-14-year-old teenagers who fuel their courage with drugs. They tend to come from broken families and many of them were abused as children.

Asocial groups, in which the environment forms and stimulates the motivation for antisocial behavior: criminogenic and criminal.

The cardinal changes that our society is experiencing in all spheres of political and socio-economic life cannot but spread to preventive and penitentiary practices in the field of preventing and correcting deviant behavior of children and adolescents. The content of the restructuring of the educational and preventive system, first of all, is determined by the fact that the previously existing "punitive" prevention, based on measures of social control, public administrative and criminal punishment, should be replaced by security and protective prevention, represented by a set of measures of adequate socio-legal, medical-psychological and socio-pedagogical support and assistance to families, children, adolescents, youth.

The practical implementation of the protective and protective concept of prevention is possible only when solving a number of issues of organizational, managerial, socio-pedagogical, psychological, regulatory, legal and personnel support.

Organizational and managerial support involves overcoming interdepartmental disunity and lack of coordination in the educational and preventive activities of various social institutions, institutions and departments and the creation of authorized state bodies of municipal government in charge of the problems of social protection of the family and childhood, including in their staff professionally trained lawyers, social workers, psychologists, physicians capable of implementing the full range of measures of social assistance to families, children, adolescents.

Social and pedagogical support consists in the creation of socio-pedagogical centers (material and technical base, teaching staff, financing) designed to organize the work and recreation of children and adolescents, to create an educational environment that allows them to harmonize their relations with their immediate environment in the family, according to place of residence, work, study.

Social and psychological support involves the provision of socio-psychological assistance to families, children, adolescents: medical and psychological counseling, resolution of conflict situations experienced by children and adolescents, organization of a telephone and help services, psychological diagnosis and psychological correction of deviant behavior. Along with psychological and pedagogical consultations and helplines, psychological services should have rehabilitation centers, social shelters, shelters for teenagers who find themselves in an acutely critical situation in the family, which can lead to running away from home, vagrancy, and suicide.

Legal support includes the development of effective legal norms and mechanisms that allow in practice to implement the protection and protection of the individual, health and rights of the child, the review and streamlining of the legal framework for the social and legal protection of the family and childhood, as well as the creation of a more perfect rich-prison system for juvenile delinquents.

Staffing involves the introduction and training of new for our country personnel of social workers, social educators, rehabilitators, practical psychologists who are able to provide professional social, psychological and socio-pedagogical assistance, primarily to families, children and adolescents at risk.

Along with the opening of new specializations, it is important to conduct more in-depth professional psychological, pedagogical and legal training and retraining of teachers, educators, employees of juvenile affairs inspectorates, and other persons involved in preventive practice, problems of preventing deviant behavior.

In turn, solving the problem of complex organizational, managerial, socio-pedagogical, psychological, regulatory, financial, material and personnel support for the prevention of deviant behavior in minors is impossible without a deep study of the nature of deviant behavior and ways to prevent it, as well as active practical activities and specific measures from the government and municipal authorities.

Both scientific study and practical solution of the problems of restructuring preventive practice are significantly hampered by the fact that at present a paradoxical situation has developed in domestic preventive science and practice. On the one hand, a significant number of social institutions and public organizations have been involved in educational and preventive work. So, according to criminologists, in one administrative region there are up to 40 different bodies dealing with the problems of preventing juvenile delinquency and in dire need of scientific support for their activities. On the other hand, the study of the problem of deviant behavior of children and adolescents is conducted by numerous representatives of related branches of knowledge: psychology, pedagogy, medicine, criminology, etc.

At the same time, at present, there is a noticeable gap between the established preventive practice and theory, which, first of all, negatively affects the efficiency and effectiveness of the educational and preventive work of the entire system of organs for the social prevention of deviant behavior of minors. This state of affairs is not accidental, since the application in educational and preventive practice of the results of research conducted in various highly specialized branches of scientific knowledge and not directly related to the activities of actually operating institutions and social institutions turns out to be very difficult for practical use. Therefore, today there is an urgent need to combine and systematize the results of numerous numerous studies on the problems of deviant behavior and its prevention within the framework of a single applied psychological knowledge, to evaluate the information accumulated on this problem in social, legal, developmental and pedagogical psychology, in other related branches of science, before of all, in relation to the educational and preventive activities of a really operating system of early prevention.

The creation of psychological support is the most important condition for increasing the effectiveness of educational and preventive activities. In turn, the problem of increasing the effectiveness of early prevention should be addressed in the following main areas: firstly, timely diagnosis of asocial deviations and social maladjustment of minors and the implementation of a differentiated approach in the choice of educational and preventive means of psychological and pedagogical correction of deviant behavior; secondly, the identification of unfavorable factors and desocializing influences from the immediate environment, which cause deviations in the development of the personality of minors, and the timely neutralization of these unfavorable maladaptive influences.

This raises the need for a systematic analysis of individual, personal, socio-psychological and psychological-pedagogical factors that cause social deviations in the behavior of minors, taking into account which educational and preventive work should be built and carried out to prevent these deviations.

Thus, the object of consideration of this book is a wide variety of unfavorable factors that deviate the behavior of children and adolescents from psychobiological prerequisites, conditions of family education, informal street communication, to those reasons that lead to a weakening of the educational influence of classroom groups, determine the alienation of adolescents from such leading institutions of socialization. which are schools, other teaching and educational teams.

Systematic consideration of unfavorable factors of asocial behavior of minors in relation to the educational and preventive activities of the system of early prevention organs, of course, has a number of objective difficulties, both theoretical and organizational and practical. This is explained, first of all, by the fact that the theoretical understanding of this problem should be carried out, as we noted above, in an interdisciplinary plan, the collection of empirical material is intersectoral, interdepartmental in nature and extends to the activities of special and general early prevention bodies with different departmental subordination, including institutions of public education, health care, culture, internal affairs, public and charitable organizations. Such interagency disunity of early prevention agencies, as well as the isolation and inconsistency of scientific approaches to the study of this acute social problem, make it difficult to create a psychological support for preventive practice and at the same time make it especially relevant.

This relevance is also due to the fact that at present the task of wide introduction into practice of various new preventive services is particularly acute - psychological counseling, social and pedagogical centers, helplines, social shelters, rehabilitation centers, the development of which is also constrained by the lack of systematic psychological knowledge about the nature deviant behavior and ways to prevent it.

In this regard, on the basis of numerous disparate psychological, pedagogical, medical, criminological studies conducted in our country and abroad, as well as using the results of our own long-term research, the author made an attempt in this book to designate the main content and scope of preventive psychology as an applied a science designed to professionalize and humanize educational and preventive practice to prevent deviant behavior in children and adolescents.

Purpose of the study: analysis of socio-psychological characteristics of criminogenic groups of adolescents

Research objectives:

Describe the social orientations of young people and the problem of delinquency

Give a description of informal teenage groups

To analyze the socio-psychological characteristics of adolescent criminogenic groups

To identify and summarize the existing problems of preventing juvenile group delinquency

Object of study: criminogenic groups of teenagers

Subject of study: socio-psychological characteristics of criminogenic groups of adolescents

Chapter 1. Social orientations of youth and the problem of delinquency

So far, we have considered those institutions that are called upon to make young man a normal socialized individual, a citizen of the country, i.e. accepting the basic norms of the society in which he lives as something due and self-evident. But there is a fairly large group of young people who no longer live or do not want to live according to the norms and laws of our society, who become the subject of statistical calculations on crime, the object of the work of law enforcement agencies, etc.

It seems that it is necessary to look at this problem deeper than it appears on the surface, i.e. not just event-related, as a certain set of facts qualified as a crime, but in general, as antisocial behavior. Everyone is already accustomed to taking dry reports of crime for a year or more and comparing the numbers. Compare if there are comparable gradations in the number of offenses, or add new ones if there were no similar ones before. And then, on the basis of a simple extrapolation, to judge the possible size of youth, including teenage, crime, its growth, complication, etc. But at the same time, among the mass of statistical indicators, it is not possible to deduce any regularity, because this regularity is not seen from the numbers of offenses themselves. The attempt to link it simply to demographic waves failed, as did the attempt to continue the trend in any particular type of crime. Either growth or decline is revealed, and no one can say what will happen next year. For the first time, we will try not just to comment on the next restructuring of offenses, but to link and justify some approaches to understanding the causes of crime among young people.

If we take a sufficiently large time interval, then we can say something about the general dynamics of crimes. So, for example, the number of registered crimes per 1000 people over the past seven years has changed as follows: - 9.3; 1995 - 15.3; 1996 - 15.0; 1997 - 13.7 (See 1, 199). On the one hand, it is clear that it was in the five years from 1990 to 1995 that there was a sharp rise in crime, and it can be explained, or at least hypothetically justified, by the general state of the country that has experienced the collapse of a certain type of statehood and even, to some extent, certain type of sociality. This will be sufficient explanation at the macro level. But here's the emerging decline - how stable is it and what caused it? There are no easy answers to these questions. It is necessary to introduce some hypotheses, and then test them for some time. We will try to offer our own version, based on our understanding of the situation with crime in the region in general and youth in particular. It is possible that it will be close enough to reality.

In our opinion, it is impossible to understand juvenile and youth crime correctly if we do not try to understand the world of values ​​of our youth. Such an approach may seem, at first glance, very out of touch with reality, but in fact, only in this way, based on deep and not always directly fixed factors, one can understand the subject - in this case, crime - in essence. And only then fight it, engage in prevention, etc. appropriate methods.

The question of values ​​as the basis of a person's being, including a young one, is always a matter of worldview. Values ​​- these seemingly invisible ideal formations, the existence of which an individual often does not even suspect, unless he specifically thinks about it, in fact very strictly define the boundaries of real life, introducing restrictions or permissions for certain types of activities, relations, etc. d. And the values ​​are different - moral, aesthetic, political, material and spiritual, and others. And all quite specifically determine the motivation and forms of human behavior.

At one time, in one of the studies in the city of Orenburg (headed by Yarkin A.I.), when studying the problem of child neglect, typical groups of adolescents with asocial orientations were identified. It has been established in great detail and precisely that in such adolescents: 1) material problems concern criminogenic adolescents more than average ones, and the stronger the criminogenic orientation of the group, the greater the dominance of material problems over others; 2) the stronger the criminogenic orientation of the teenage group, the more clearly expressed is the focus on increasing the material well-being of not only their social microenvironment (family, yard), but also their personal material wealth. That is, there is a kind of mercenary deformation of the personality, material needs dominate over spiritual ones not only at school (as in the average teenager), but also in the yard. Among criminogenic adolescents, the predominance of a consumer attitude to life over an actively transforming attitude is increasing (2, 17).

These findings were made in 1992 for young people between 13 and 17 years of age. That is, if, having adopted the findings, we assume (not yet taking into account the macro-situation in the region and in the country) that with the deterioration of the financial situation of certain groups of the population, juvenile delinquency will increase - even only due to the internal attitudes of the youth themselves and no more Moreover, even then we can already say that in the next 3-4 years, juvenile delinquency will increase. Because such a deterioration in the specific historical realities of our society is not difficult to predict, and this type of value orientation has already been formed in it, and it will lead this part of the youth to the dock. We open the official statistics - and we find: the rapid growth of youth crime from 1993 to 1996. And also, further, in 1997, on the contrary, the fall of the general level of committed crimes below the level of 1992.

You can not connect these events in any way, you can consider such a coincidence to be accidental, or you can assume that then, in 1992, a group of researchers empirically identified one of the main reasons for the growth of juvenile delinquency while maintaining or worsening the situation in the material sphere. Now, in the last year and a half, when the financial situation of the majority of the population has stabilized, the situation in criminal behavior begins to take on the character of “normal crime”. But already with a different “face” - due to the changed sociality. And if earlier in the minds of all criminogenic groups of teenagers such a value as physical strength was put forward in the first place, which, in our opinion, caused the growth of hooliganism in previous years: - 99; 1993 - 171; 1994 - 242; 1995 - 211, etc., then in the current situation, to all appearances, there is a change of priorities. Most likely, the principle “there is strength - you don’t need intelligence” no longer works, which is indirectly evidenced by the figure that fixes the decline in the scale of hooliganism in 1997 - 132 cases.

The structure of the criminal world and consciousness has changed: criminal individualism of a hooligan wing is giving way to groups of a different type, where far from everything is decided by simple physical strength, and a special role is played by criminal law, life according to the rules and regulations, according to the charter of the zone. And it is not at all accidental that in 1997 the number of crimes committed by teenagers who had previously been brought to criminal responsibility increased by 12.5%. In 1997, 74% of convicted adolescents committed crimes in a group, of which every second case involved adults (2, 79). This part of the youth has already gone through their “universities”, while acquiring their own concepts of good and evil. The mechanism of asocialization or asocial adaptation passed into the firm hands of the “older generation”. Therefore, it is not yet possible to hope that this particular indicator will change significantly in the future. Only the system can resist the system, and in the legal socialization of such a system, we still do not have either.

But, fortunately, for certain social groups, the environment has changed materially for the better, and therefore there will no longer be the former large teenage supply from the so-called middle strata. Crime will be fed precisely at the expense of the so-called “difficult” teenagers from families of social risk, as well as from families that, according to the standard method, cannot be classified as dysfunctional, but where intra-family relationships push young people towards criminal behavior. These families, if their main features are singled out, are characterized by a low balance of the entire system of family relations, as well as insufficiently warm relations with the mother, deformed relations with the father. All this ultimately leads to the fact that in such families, as a rule, parents and children have neither common interests, nor interesting useful things, hobbies, etc.

In other words, youth crime, in our opinion, is beginning to acquire a pronounced, if not yet class, then stratified-group character. And the more normal forms of civil society our society will move to, the more predictable and predictable will be the situation with crime and its varieties. In the whole “well-fed” world there is a diverse crime, and there they set the task of first “curbing” it, which means clearly differentiating it, and only then taking it under control. We are still far from such a “normal” state of affairs with the criminal world, although not as far as before.

These were approaches and attempts to identify some of the common causes of juvenile delinquency. Although, of course, if we again look at the overall picture of registered crimes per 1000 of the population by districts of the region, we can find that the degree of saturation of the population with criminal elements behaved differently: yes, there has been a widespread jump over five years in all territories of the region, but somewhere it was 2-3% (Adamovsky, Krasnogvardeisky districts), and somewhere it exceeded ten (Orenburgsky, Ponomarevsky); in some places it has decreased over the past two years (Matveevsky, Ponomarevsky), and somewhere it continues to increase (Gaisky, Dombarovsky) (1, 199). So the average figure obscures the problem rather than reveals it.

It is absolutely clear that a special typological study of regional crime is needed, which, albeit in hindsight, would make it possible to explain the changes that have taken place in the criminal world. Then the picture of what will happen to youth crime will become clear. Perhaps the society has already reached its limit of criminal saturation and a backlash will begin, or maybe we are still waiting ahead of the top of the Orenburg region with its twenty-odd crimes per 1000 population, to which some Adamovsky or Oktyabrsky district will have to “adjust” to. So far, no qualified expert will give a strictly substantiated answer to this question.

However, with regard to youth, looking at these discrepancies in numbers, it can be stated with a reasonable degree of certainty that in areas with relatively low crime, youth crime will increase. Let us try to explain this, relying not so much on the previous study of the teenage group of young people, but on the study of older age groups of young people, including, of course, the younger ones.

In this regard, we are primarily interested in such a practically significant activity attitude of a person to the world as the ability, desire and ability to put forward their own goals, subordinating their entire life activity to them, and at the same time accepting or rejecting those goals and means of achieving them that society offers a young person. .

In each particular society, at a certain stage of its development, there are simultaneously several differently oriented types of activity. People are usually included in one or the other of them. In general, the range of positions on the question of the relationship between goals and means, individual and social, is given by Merton's typology, which we used to identify which activity orientations prevail among modern Orenburg youth today.

It must be said that the boundaries of these specific groups are quite stable and manifest themselves at the empirical level in the form of a preference for certain life strategies of behavior, which can also be observed at the everyday level. Therefore, if after a sociological analysis there is clarity about what our youth is, what can be expected from them and what to demand, then it becomes clear that all these typologies are not inventions of sociologists out of touch with life, but real tools for measuring social dynamics of youth.

To begin with, here are the general characteristics of those positions that were measured in the current study:

conformists - my own goals coincide with public ones, and to achieve them I use only legal and socially accepted means;

retreatists - I follow public goals as if they were my own, but in achieving them I will act by my own means, even illegal and forbidden by society;

ritualists - I do not agree with the goals proclaimed by society, but in achieving my own goals I will use generally accepted, legal means;

innovators - I am not at all inclined to share the goals of our society, and in achieving my own goals, I will use my own means, including those prohibited by society;

rebels - to this day, society proclaims stupid goals and offers unsuitable means to achieve them, it is necessary to focus on completely different goals and develop new ways to achieve them.

In a normally functioning society, when social processes proceed without any particular leaps, quite certain types of behavior patterns prevail. In periods of increasing social tension and economic turmoil, completely different, but also certain types come to the fore. We can verify this for ourselves, for this it is enough to compare and contrast some data from previous sociological studies of Orenburg youth. But first, let's give a general picture of the distribution of youth in the Orenburg region according to Merton's typology. Today we have the following picture:


Table 1

Overall rating Urban Rural

Conformists 16.4 15.9 17.1

Returners 9.9 10.2 9.5

Ritualists 27.8 26.9 29.1

Innovators 10.4 11.7 8.4

Rebels 15.0 14.9 15.3


In general, the positions of urban and rural youth differ, but not very much, and the apparent differences are quite explainable both by the way of life of urban and rural youth, respectively, and by the ongoing processes of changing socio-economic relations in the country and in the region. In the aspect that interests us, it is necessary to reckon in its pure form with the positions of retreatists, innovators and rebels. They seem to a priori declare their readiness to break the law. In these cases, we have, as a first approximation, the following figures: for the city, this sum of figures is 36.8, and for the village, 33.2. Consequently, only in its purest form do we, as it were, have the right to hope that the level of crime in the countryside will be lower. It is not necessary to guess how accurate it is in percentage terms, because an unambiguously active position, although declared, does not turn into an action, all the more illegal. Unfortunately, we do not have access to official statistics that would allow us to at least indirectly test our assumption, because the transfer of this hypothesis to all crime statistics, including averages, levels everything at the expense of older age groups. Let's hope that new forms of accounting for crimes will someday make it possible to verify this hypothesis.

However, let's look at the dynamics of these groups over the past five years, of course, taking into account the fact that the samples were different, but in 1992 and 1993 only urban youth were represented.


table 2

1992 1993 1997

Conformists 8.8 11.6 15.9

Returners 12.3 8.6 10.2

Ritualists 20.6 21.9 26.9

Innovators 7.5 18.9 11.7

Rebels 27.8 10.6 14.9


The time lag of five years very clearly and vividly demonstrates the significant changes that have taken place in the activity orientations of young people. The rebels have sharply reduced the indicators and the indicator of conformists and ritualists has significantly increased. And this means that in the life of our society, quite definite, and to some extent acceptable for young people, goals of social development and life-building have really begun to emerge. This older generation can afford to compare how it was before and how it is now, and for young people, as a special social group, such comparisons are the least typical, they accept and live this reality as the only given one, and this is undoubtedly right. Just as history does not know the subjunctive mood, so young people live primarily in the present, often not thinking deeply about either the past or the future. But more on that below.

Let us now look at the total value of the three groups identified above: we have in 1993 the total amount for the three groups - 38.1%, and in 1997 - 36.8%. It turns out that theoretically we should have a drop in youth, including teenage, crime. If we extrapolate the data obtained, taking into account the importance of rural youth groups (the sum of which is 33.2%, and the average for the region then turns out to be 35.6%) to the real statistics of crime, then here we really find a drop in the crime rate: if in 1993 all crimes 2634 were committed, then in 1997 - 2413, which, respectively, in %, the share in total crime was 14.7% and 10.5%.

There is another seductive and very plausible hypothesis about the possibility of carrying out some even quantitative analysis. For example, like this. A 1.3% decrease in the share of retreatists, innovators and rebels among young people leads to a decrease in the proportion of juvenile delinquency by 4.2%. But, unfortunately, these single measurements make it possible to build only such, albeit bold, but hypotheses, however, so far they can neither be confirmed nor refuted.

One thing is undoubtedly clear, that if we proceed from the opposite and judge the possible level of crime by conformists, then, of course, there is a qualitative connection here. For conformists are, to a certain extent, a litmus test for determining the well-being of society: if their number increases, then there is reason to believe that crime may decline, and if we take into account the same effect from the appearance and increase of ritualists, then we can say that we are close approached one of the social recipes for the prevention of crime among young people. It can be formulated as follows: fight for an increase in the number of conformists and ritualists among young people, and you will have a steady decrease in juvenile delinquency. Although in its pure form, of course, there will be a limit to the significance of these two groups. But so far, no one has been purposefully engaged in this work, and therefore this recipe is again of a theoretical nature, even if there are enough grounds to say that its implementation can give a real social anti-criminal effect.

Detailing this idea, it is important to emphasize some more nuances arising from the characteristics of these positions. Often people associate disagreement with the main goals of society, on the one hand, and a predisposition to commit any illegal actions for this reason, on the other hand. However, the results of the survey actually showed that this view is a simplification of the situation. So, among those who do not agree with the goals of society, only every 5th expressed their readiness to use illegal methods, while among those who generally accept public goals, it turns out that there are much more of them - every third. That is, those who agree with common goals are more radical in achieving them. Here the problem of discrepancy of the purposes and means is explicitly expressed. It should also be noted that although in this respect there are more dissatisfied than satisfied (53% versus 26%), nevertheless, this dissatisfaction is “passive”. Most of them are ready to remain within the law.

It is interesting to trace the relationship between this factor of willingness to resort to illegal actions with the actual behavior of young people. Dissatisfaction with the ways in which society is trying to achieve its goals, according to the survey, is rather hidden and carries only a potential tendency to violate the law. So, if on average in the country every year out of 10 thousand teenagers 250 people commit crimes, i.e. 2.5% (3.10), then the indicated predisposition to commit them was shown, according to the survey, by 20.39%. In reality, in 1997 in the Orenburg region this figure was 1.6 in the group of 14 to 17 years old. At the same time, it should be noted that both the real and potential increase in violations of the law is counteracted by a number of factors in the minds of the young people themselves. These factors include the fact that among the problems that cause the greatest concern of the young people themselves, in the first places they also single out such factors as the growth of crime (66%) and corruption in government structures (41%).

This also includes preferences in the choice of measures that can influence the development of events in the country. More often than others, the execution of laws (35%), participation in elections to state authorities (27%) and other legal methods were named. Only 25% believe that an ordinary citizen today cannot influence the development of events in the country in any way.

Among the reasons why young people often prefer illegal means of solving their problems, one can obviously name an elementary ignorance of their own rights and existing legislation that directly concerns young people. Thus, 65%, according to their own self-assessments, are not familiar enough or do not know at all (34%) about the laws of the Russian Federation in the Orenburg region regarding youth. However, only 5% of respondents believe that their rights are fully protected. Thus, the majority of young people have little idea how their rights are legally protected, but despite this, the majority still believes that this is being done poorly.

A great influence on the commission of crimes among young people is their susceptibility to group influence. This is evidenced by the fact that more than half of all crimes are of a group nature. Against this background, it looks alarming that young people show very little interest in relatively “harmless” group associations. Those 15% who nevertheless showed such interest, to a greater extent associate it with sports hobbies. The rest, including religious beliefs, do not go beyond 5%, with a small exception of musical preferences (6%). In general, 63% did not identify themselves with any type of group association at all. Taking into account the well-known craving of adolescents specifically for a group form of self-expression, one has to state the presence of a certain “vacuum” here.

The last thesis is confirmed by other figures. We can talk about a certain lack of demand for the existing readiness (at least in words) of young people to take part in the work of councils capable of representing the interests of young people in the field. 37% are ready to personally take part in the work of such bodies, if they exist in a particular city or town. And only 20% would refuse such participation.

Thus, given the passivity of youth participation in spontaneous interest groups (this does not include criminal interests), with an appropriate approach, it would be possible to attract youth to organized work. In any case, it's better than her participation in organized crime. It is indicative that, according to the survey data, it is possible to identify the most desirable forms and structures of the organization, among which the youth committees (44%), legal and legal (32%) centers, leisure institutions and interest associations (29%) are most often named. The last figure indicates that the desire to participate in organized forms of leisure is greater than it is realized spontaneously.

The still remaining sense of patriotism deserves some attention, which is expressed in pride for one's country (42%), for the place where one was born (52%), for belonging to Russian citizenship (48%). At the same time, those who do not regret that they were born and live in their own country are still more than those who think otherwise (43% and 30%). On this basis, it is also possible to develop socialization activities of a socially acceptable nature. In other words, our data show that it is possible to confidently fight against the criminalization of a part of the youth, knowing exactly where to organize an attack on it, including through constant monitoring of the well-being of young people.

But at the same time, there is a clear deficit in well-organized forms of work in this direction. This also speaks of a certain lack of demand for the activity of young people and makes us assume that this factor will be used in one way or another in their own interests by both criminal structures and politicians of various levels and persuasion.

Chapter 2. Characteristics of informal teenage groups

Above we examined what are the unfavorable conditions of family and school education, leading to deformation of the personality of a minor. Family and school most often have the so-called indirect desocializing influence, as a result of which maladjusted adolescents cease to assimilate the moral values ​​cultivated by the main institutions of socialization, and are guided primarily by the norms and values ​​of informal criminogenic groups. Thus, these groups ultimately play a major role in shaping the personality of juvenile offenders, acting as their reference groups and preferred communication environment. Hence, it is no coincidence that most of the crimes are committed by minors in groups. In particular, as K. E. Igoshev notes, “about 75% of the total number of juveniles studied committed crimes as part of groups. Most often, a group commits such crimes as robbery, robbery, theft, hooliganism (from 80 to 90%), At the same time, mercenary crimes are committed within the most stable and long-standing groups, as well as crimes in the form of socially dangerous actions.In general, it would not be an exaggeration to say: juvenile delinquency is a group crime."

And further, the same author rightly notes that the facts of the formation of groups of teenagers and young men themselves are a natural process. Indeed, it is known that a teenager is characterized by an increased need for communication with peers; teenagers tend to listen to the opinion of their peers more than to the opinion of adults, parents and teachers. This increased desire for communication is explained by age-related patterns of mental development in adolescence, the main psychological neoplasm of which is self-consciousness, which is formed in communication, in interaction with their own kind.

Consequently, the danger is fraught not in general with adolescent communication and informal adolescent groups, but only with those in which the criminalization of minors occurs. To find out what kind of groups these are, it is necessary to dwell in more detail on the characteristics of informal adolescent groups.

According to one of the leading researchers of adolescent informal communication, I. S. Polonsky, about 85% of adolescents and young men go through spontaneous group communication. At the same time, the author believes that the organized school team and the spontaneous communication of adolescents differ in a number of ways. A spontaneous group is prone to self-isolation, extreme isolation from adults, primarily from parents and school. In such groups, a narrow group morality arises, which in a distorted form represents "adult" norms and values ​​that are so desirable for adolescents.

According to the nature of the social orientation, I. S. Polonsky divides spontaneous groups into three types:

prosocial or socially positive;

asocial, standing apart from the main social problems, closed in the system of narrow group values;

antisocial - socially negative groups, 3/5, that is, most of the studied teenage associations belong, according to the author, to prosocial, that is, socially positive and close to this type of associations.

Among the pro-social groups, one should especially single out amateur informal groups of young people that carry a socially significant constructive and transformative beginning, have their own goals, objectives, and program of action. These can be environmental, cultural, socio-political, security-historical and other programs that voluntarily unite young like-minded people. As some researchers note, the "nutrient medium" for criminal teenage groups is by no means an amateur movement of informal youth, but intermediate leisure groups ("fans", "rockers", "lubers", "metalheads", sports fans, "breakers", " jerseys", etc.), which are formed on the basis of the commonality of their aesthetic tastes, commitment to individual musical trends, musical, sports idols, newfangled dances, extravagant fashion, etc. The reason that gives rise to such closed group associations is often excessive regulation, bureaucratization of schools, cultural institutions, art, the absence of teenage and youth leisure centers and interest associations, a "prohibitive" attitude towards youth fashion, reinsurance. Hence, the best educational and preventive means to prevent the development of such "taste", leisure associations into asocial and antisocial groups is the "legalization" of young people's hobbies, providing the opportunity for a free choice of leisure activities, opportunities for realizing one's tastes and interests in teenage and youth clubs, centers where children can feel quite autonomous and independent.

A special group are informal youth associations, where the integrating, unifying core is a way of life, their own morality, spiritual values, a kind of subculture, paraphernalia, slang. Such associations and communities are built on the denial of generally accepted morality, on opposing it to a group, often very extravagant subculture. These are, first of all, hippies, punks and high-lifers. If hippies are characterized by complete freedom, including freedom of sexual relations, built on equality and tolerance, rejection of any overorganization and regulation, then punks have relations in the community based on a more rigid principle: an internal hierarchy is allowed and takes place, the ritual of "omission", cynical attitude towards girls" disregard for the law and the criminal code, a decrease in the value of one's own life.

Highlighters who promote "beautiful life", refined manners, a luxurious lifestyle, an arranged life, connections, career aspirations, also oppose their group subculture to the people around them, whom they refer to as second-class, trying in every possible way to limit their contacts with "dullness", " cattle."

It would be wrong to see behind every, even the most extravagant, group of potential criminals, against whom it is necessary to apply special preventive measures.

However, it should be noted that group isolation, corporatism, isolation of youth informal groups "not included in the system of broader social relations, creates the preconditions for unfavorable dynamics of group social orientation, "transformation", the development of pro-social, leisure associations into asocial, anti-social groups. Thus , the creation of broad opportunities for the realization of various taste preferences in the field of leisure, the independent participation of members of youth groups in organizing their leisure, sports, art, music and other creativity can be attributed to general prevention measures that prevent possible criminalization of informal groups.

It is especially worth dwelling on the characteristics of asocial groups in which criminalization directly takes place.

First of all, these groups gather mainly "difficult" adolescents who are isolated in their classrooms and, in addition, brought up in dysfunctional families. Adolescents with a narrowly egoistic orientation are put forward as leaders in these groups. Thus, in asocial groups, due to their isolation from adults and class groups, their own narrow group values ​​and subordination to a leader with an egoistic orientation, serious prerequisites arise for the criminalization of minors.

Such asocial groups, in which juvenile crimes are not yet committed, but seem to be maturing, are also called criminogenic groups in the literature. So, A. I. Dolgova believes that "criminogenic groups are an environment that forms and stimulates the motivation for antisocial behavior." Members of criminogenic groups, unlike criminal ones, do not have a clear focus on committing crimes, the norms of criminogenic groups, although they contradict the official ones, still do not strictly define the behavior of their members as criminals. They, as a rule, create situations of conflict with socially positive moral requirements, less often with legal ones. Therefore, members of criminogenic groups commit most crimes in problematic, conflict situations or favorable conditions for this,

In turn, criminal groups are characterized by a clear focus on criminal behavior, they are characterized by illegal norms and prepared, organized crimes. Such criminal groups of minors are quite rare.

Informal adolescent groups are not some static, unchanging socio-psychological formations.

They are characterized by their own group dynamics "a certain development is inherent, as a result of which groups with an asocial orientation can develop into criminogenic or even criminal groups. I. P. Bashkatov suggests, based on the nature of joint activity, which, as you know, determines and mediates relations in a group , allocate three levels of development of criminogenic groups.

1. Pre-criminal or asocial groups of adolescents with an orientation towards anti-social activities. These are spontaneous, spontaneous informal groups at the place of residence. They are characterized by aimless pastime, situational socially unapproved behavior: gambling, drunkenness, minor offenses, etc. Members of the group as a whole do not commit offenses, since they still lack organization and cohesion for this, although individual offenses may already be committed. The main activity of such groups is communication, which is based on empty pastime.

2. Unstable or criminogenic groups are characterized by a criminal orientation of group value orientations. Drunkenness, debauchery, money-grubbing, striving for an easy life are becoming the norm in these groups. From minor, criminally non-punishable offenses, group members move on to more socially dangerous actions. However, there is still no pre-arranged and organized criminal activity in these groups, but there is already a tendency to commit crimes by some of its members. According to the terminology of A. R. Ratinov, these groups are closest to "companies of offenders,.

3. Stable criminal or criminal groups. These are stable associations of teenagers formed for the joint commission of any crimes. Most often, these are thefts, robberies, robberies, hooliganism, violent crimes, etc. They already have a clear organizational structure. A "leading center" stands out - a leader, "preferred", performers. Groups have a system of unwritten laws "norms and values ​​that are carefully hidden from others. Non-observance or violation of these" laws "leads to the disintegration of the group, therefore, violators of the "convention" are prosecuted and punished. In groups, there is a strong dependence of members on each other, the basis of which constitutes mutual responsibility. Therefore, the quantitative composition of such groups is more or less constant. A plan of crimes is developed and approved in advance, roles are assigned, the dates for carrying out "criminal" operations are outlined. Often the members of the group are armed with cold weapons. All this makes such groups the most dangerous, A. R. Ratinov classifies such associations as "gangs", and the armed ones - as "bands", although there are no big differences in the plans for their organization and activities.As already noted, such stable criminal groups are less common among teenagers, but still the practice of investigation crimes registers similar formations.

Thus, as various studies show, spontaneously emerging informal adolescent groups, firstly, differ significantly in the degree of their criminalization, in the degree of involvement in criminal activity, which cannot be ignored in preventive and preventive activities. And, secondly, they are very dynamic in their internal structure, have their own patterns of development and criminalization inherent in them, knowledge and understanding of which are necessary for the successful prevention of juvenile group delinquency.

First of all, in criminal groups of minors, attention is drawn to the fact that most often they were created not for criminal activity, but by chance, for spending time together. So, according to researchers, 52% of mercenary and 63% of aggressive crimes were committed by groups that were not organized for criminal activity. But even specially organized groups committed most crimes without prior preparation.

Such disorganization, situational nature in the commission of crimes, which characterizes a significant part of criminogenic adolescent groups, makes it necessary to carefully understand those socio-psychological mechanisms that, as it were, spontaneously lead them to criminal activity.

To do this, first of all, it is necessary to consider in more detail the main characteristics of these groups, their composition, who is included in them, what are their norms and other signs of a group subculture, how they are managed, and leadership processes take place.

Chapter 3. Socio-psychological characteristics of adolescent criminogenic groups

The study of criminogenic adolescent groups over the past 10 - 15 years has been undertaken by criminologists and psychologists in various regions of the country. The results of these studies received their coverage in the works of IL, Bashkatov, A. I. Dolgova, K. E. Igoshev, A. E. Taras and others. A number of collections and collective monographs are devoted to this problem.

Under the guidance of the author, in order to study group norms and values, attributes of a group subculture, leadership processes and other socio-psychological phenomena that determine group cohesion and criminalization of asocial adolescent groups, 15 such groups were also studied in the process of educational and preventive work.

It should be noted that the results of studies conducted over the years in various regions of the country indicate fairly stable and homogeneous processes that characterize group dynamics in criminogenic adolescent groups.

First, it is noteworthy that these groups are most often represented by male adolescents, rarely have a mixed composition, and even more rarely consist of girls.

So, according to I.P. Bashkatov, among the studied adolescent groups who committed crimes, 74% are male, 6% are female, and 20% are mixed. According to researchers, 96% of juvenile delinquents are male.

A very alarming trend has emerged in relation to female crime. On the one hand, there is an increase in crime among underage girls, and on the other hand, there are facts of a cynical attitude towards girls in mixed teenage groups (the presence of so-called "common girls", group sex, attracting girls from street companies to participate in the rape of their friends and acquaintances) . The consequences of female cynicism and openly cynical attitude towards young women are especially detrimental to the social and spiritual health of both modern and future generations.

What are the members of criminal groups by occupation? Of the surveyed juvenile offenders before conviction, 31% worked, 28% studied in general education schools, 29% - in vocational schools, 12% did not study and did not work. At the same time, absenteeism, violations of discipline, dishonesty were typical for both working and student juvenile delinquents.

Thus, 30% of working adolescents convicted of crimes have already changed jobs, despite the insignificant length of service. 40% of them did not like the work, 41% were not satisfied with the salary received, 60% did not take part in the social life of the team. If, at the same time, we take into account that a significant part of working teenagers are, first of all, pedagogically neglected students who at one time got out of the influence of the school, then it becomes obvious that this category of minors for a significant time was actually outside the zone of action of such important institutions of socialization, which are educational and labor collectives.

For juvenile delinquent students, low academic performance and unwillingness to learn are characteristic; 39% of those surveyed studied poorly, 49% satisfactorily, and only 12% studied well. The consequence of poor study, as noted above, is prestigious dissatisfaction, a decrease in the referential significance of the class team, and an exit from under its influence.

In this way; even for those adolescents who were employed at the place of study or work, a weakening of ties with their teams was characteristic, as a result of which their socializing influence was significantly reduced, and the assimilation of social experience was mainly carried out in criminogenic groups or under their direct influence. Moreover, the influence of such groups acquired decisive importance for adolescents without specific occupations, which amounted to 12%, that is, almost every eighth person among the convicts.

The criminogenic influence of the groups could also not be significantly resisted by the families of minors, which, as we noted above, are characterized by functional failure, inability to carry out educational functions. And, in addition, a number of families (immoral and asocial) have a direct desocializing influence in the form of direct examples of immoral behavior or acquisitive and antisocial views and beliefs.

The actual exclusion of minors from the system of positively oriented relations in their teams at the place of work and study leads to the fact that in asocial spontaneous teenage groups their own narrow corporate morality begins to form, signs of their group subculture appear, emphasizing belonging to this particular group, their own hierarchy of intragroup relations develops , their leaders are put forward, defining the internal laws of these groups.

Such groups isolated from the outside world with a narrow corporate morality are easily subject to the negative influence of more experienced, seasoned criminals who infect minors with the false romance of the underworld, a sense of permissiveness and an easy attitude to moral values, law, and life.

K. E. Igoshev notes that about 1/3 of juvenile crimes are committed under the direct influence of adults, often with previous convictions. These persons involve teenagers and young men in criminal activity by the most various, sometimes and rather artful ways. According to selective data, about 32% of cases involving minors in criminal activities were carried out with the help of "profitable" mercenary offers, "comradely" requests and obligations, flattering persuasions, advice, exhortations. About 30% - by gradually introducing adolescents and young men to joint drinking, and sometimes to depraved acts. Threats and intimidation, deceit and promises, as well as beatings and sometimes torture may be used. According to the same author, almost every seventh in the group of juvenile delinquents was an adult.

As the study showed, 42.1% of juvenile criminal groups are organized with the participation of adults, that is, these groups covered about half of all juveniles involved in criminal activity. Most often, juvenile offenders involve persons aged 18-25, many of whom have previously been convicted. So, according to the selective results of the same studies, adults involving minors in criminal activity at the age of 18-25 years old accounted for 61.4%, 26-30 years old - 19.4%, over 30 years old - 19.2%.

Of the adult instigators and organizers, 44.1% had previously been convicted (once - 57.1%, twice - 28.5%, three times or more - 14.4%). In addition, among juvenile members of criminal groups, 2.1% were previously in prison, 2.3% were in special educational institutions.

Thus, one of the ways of criminalization of teenage groups is the influence of adult and experienced criminals who organize the criminal activities of groups with an asocial orientation. The prerequisites for this are narrow corporate isolation, isolation of asocial groups from the influence of adults, parents, teachers, loss of contact with teams at the place of work and study.

However, a smaller part of asocial teenage groups goes through this path of criminalization, while the majority is criminalized, “ripens” to criminal activity without the direct influence of adult criminals, due to internal socio-psychological mechanisms and patterns that determine their criminological development.

In order to better understand these internal socio-psychological mechanisms of criminalization of spontaneously formed teenage groups, we conducted a special study of several asocial groups of juvenile delinquents who are registered with the JP for various minor offenses, alcohol use, running away from home, etc.

A kind of passportization of these groups was carried out with clarification of their composition, place of gathering, preferred occupations, group norms and values. Particular attention was paid to the study of leadership processes, how the internal management of such groups is carried out and their peculiar "cementing", cohesion, that is, ultimately, intra-group cohesion and stability are ensured.

First of all, not so much criminal and criminogenic "as asocial adolescent groups, which represent the primary stage on the path of criminalization and desocialization of minors, came into the field of view of the researchers. The groups examined consisted of 7-10 adolescents aged 12-14 years, some of which by occupation, these were, as a rule, mixed groups of schoolchildren, vocational schools, and working teenagers. Groups, companies united rather on the basis of a common place of residence. Other, also important, common features that united the children in these groups were failures in school, poor academic performance, conflict relations in the class team, with teachers.

The gathering places of such companies, as a rule, are permanent, away from crowded places (basements, attics, cemeteries, new buildings, deaf squares, etc.).

The most preferred activities are playing cards, singing "thieves" songs to the guitar, aimlessly walking the streets, drinking, obscene talk about women, jokes. They mainly discuss conflicts with teachers, masters, plans for revenge on "enemies" from other yards and streets, their own sexual experience if it took place under cynical circumstances.

They avoid talking in a group about relationships with parents and about parents, about family complications, and the life plans of individual adolescents are not discussed. Almost causeless fights often break out both between members of the same group and between different groups. Fighting, in fact, is the main way to resolve conflicts. Fights with other companies arise mainly from the desire to prove belonging to a certain group community, to consolidate its influence in a certain territory.

Nicknames and nicknames are cultivated in groups, which most often come from a surname or emphasize the psychophysiological characteristics of adolescents; nicknames to a certain extent also express the hierarchy in group relations. For example, the nicknames "Count", "King", "Goga", as a rule, indicate the privileged position of adolescents in the group. There may be quite offensive nicknames that reinforce the general disdain for a teenager,

The very fact that nicknames are widespread in such companies indicates a rather superficial, shallow communication among adolescents, a tendency to stereotyping, inattention to the individual characteristics and inner world of their comrades. they have certain social roles in intragroup communication. Nicknames also serve to consolidate group isolation, acting as a way of socio-psychological protection, isolation from others. Isolation from the outside world and intra-group integration is facilitated by group moral norms and moral values ​​that apply only to members of the group, regardless of the rest of those around them. Loyalty in friendship is understood as a mutual guarantee, courage - as a readiness for hooligan antics, senseless risk, honesty - as the ability not to let down your comrades. These are the main qualities that make up the intra-group code of honor, the violation of which is severely punished.

Group integration, the formation of a sense of "we", a sense of belonging to a given community of people, is carried out, first of all, by opposing oneself to others, both adults and other adolescent groups and companies from neighboring streets, yards, and districts. Relations between groups tend to develop hostilely, there are frequent and essentially causeless conflicts, which are resolved by violent fights.

Leaders play a special role in uniting the group, in maintaining its stability and strength. In all informal adolescent groups, leadership processes are quite clearly traced. The leader's authority rests not so much on fear of physical strength, but on respect for intellect, experience, experience, and strong-willed qualities. However, the leader's moral authority is also supported by physical force, and the leader himself, as a rule, does not participate in the reprisals, while using the services of his close associates, who play the role of "vassals".

As an illustration of how leadership processes develop in criminogenic adolescent groups, one can cite a very curious example that emerged as a result of a retrospective study of a criminal group of minors, which in a fairly short period of time, in three to four months, from a spontaneously formed teenage group for the purpose of spending time together. the company independently, without the participation and influence of adults, has grown into a dangerous criminal group that has committed a number of serious crimes. The group consisted of ten fourteen-sixteen-year-olds, students of the same school, acquaintances from joint study and place of residence. It existed for about six months, choosing the basement of one of the residential buildings as a permanent gathering place.

The study took place during the investigation period, and therefore, as a criterion for conducting a sociometric survey, the question was chosen: "Who did you want to go to a corrective labor colony with?" In the course of this poll, a teenager leader was revealed who received an absolute majority of the elections, and a sociometric "star" with a negative sign - a teenager who was not loved and would not want any further communication with him. Both of these "stars" turned out to be the closest inseparable friends, who, as it were, constituted the psychological core of the group. They were the most active participants and initiators of all serious crimes, showing enviable ingenuity in hiding the traces of crimes.

The leader turned out to be a 16-year-old teenager nicknamed "The Old Man", who did not differ in special physical strength, but with a fairly well-developed intellect, with restrained manners and an amazing ability for accurate, objective self-assessment and critical assessment of his comrades. Friends noted restraint in him, he never raised his voice, did not get into fights, knew how to listen carefully, it was possible to talk with him "sincerely", which, at the same time, did not prevent him from showing extreme cruelty and aggressiveness in crimes. One should not think that in relation to friends he was guided by a feeling of affection, rather, it was a calculation, a bet on winning leadership rights by filling in the lack of communication that these guys experienced at school and at home.

However, leadership rights were affirmed not only on good principles. Lacking sufficient physical strength, the leader himself never went into direct conflict with the members of the group, but used for this his physically developed, but not authoritative among the guys, friend, who paid for patronage with slavish devotion and willingness to serve without hesitation.

Although the guys were attached to their group and spent almost all their free time in it, this does not mean that they experienced a sense of psychological security there, and in the group they were connected by real comradely relations. On the contrary, in a more or less veiled form, relations here were built on the cruel subordination of the weak to the strong, who, in turn, sought to suppress the dignity of the weaker, to force them to obey and serve themselves. This kind of relationship between the guys is clearly shown in V. Yakimenko's story "Composition". A cruel, aggressive teenager named "Demyan" with the help of older friends one by one subjugates his classmates, severely beats them, makes them serve him humiliatingly. And this continues until the guys conciliatoryly indifferently look at what is happening and do not join their efforts to repulse Demyan.

The nomination of an aggressive egoistic leader in such adolescent groups isolated from the outside world and focused on asocial manifestations and asocial activity is not accidental, just as it is not accidental that relations here are built on a cruel hierarchy, the subordination of the weak to the strong.

Domestic psychologists, in particular, A. V. Petrovsky and his students, proved that "the central link in the group structure is formed by the activity itself, its meaningful socio-economic and socio-political characteristics." That is, the nature of the activity in which the collective, group is included, determines the nature of the interpersonal relations that develop in the group, the value-normative regulators of these relations, ultimately, determine the personal qualities of the informal leader who is nominated to the leadership of this group. It is known that spontaneously formed teenage groups at first do not directly engage in criminal activity. They come together for recreational purposes, for the sole purpose of spending time together. Here is how F. S. Makhov describes the preferred leisure activities in asocial groups: 1) drinking; 2) songs with a guitar; 3) going to the cinema and aimlessly walking the streets; 4) listening to tape recordings and records; 5) hiking.

However, for teenagers isolated in their educational groups, these spontaneously organized leisure groups turn out to be the main and often the only environment where the most important needs of adolescence in communication and self-assertion are realized, without the implementation of which it is difficult to form the main psychological neoplasm of a teenager - self-awareness,

In the above chapters, we noted that each age stage of socialization is characterized by its leading institutions, mechanisms and methods. For a teenager, as we remember, the reference group acts as the leading mechanism of socialization, the method of socialization is a referentially significant activity, that is, an activity on the basis of which, in the conditions of a reference group of peers, the teenager self-affirms. In turn, the reference group, as well as the reference-significant activity, for a teenager becomes that preferred environment of communication, where he has the opportunity to assert himself, to win a fairly high authority and prestige among his peers.

Having actually lost an internal connection with a positively oriented team that is formed on the basis of socially significant activities, a teenager seeks to realize his need for self-affirmation in the conditions of empty pastime in antisocial forms of behavior, drinking, impudent, hooligan antics, in false courage and disregard for the prohibitions of adults, moral norms, rights. Such asocial activity becomes, in fact, a reference-significant activity of a teenager, which plays a decisive role both in the formation of his personality and determines interpersonal relationships and intra-group normative regulators in adolescent groups. Hence it is obvious that the criminalization of asocial adolescent groups can be carried out independently, without the influence of an adult criminal, due to unfavorable, distorted conditions of functioning, internal socio-psychological mechanisms and patterns inherent in the process of socialization of a teenager.

The action of internal socio-psychological mechanisms - criminalization is significantly aggravated by the alcoholization of minors, which leads to the removal of social control, the "turning off" of conscious behavioral regulators. In addition, with the introduction of minors to drinking, an additional motive for criminal acts arises, which consists in seeking funds to purchase alcohol. Thus, initiation to alcohol significantly increases the criminogenic danger of adolescent groups, which, in particular, is evidenced by statistics. The results of the study show that before joining criminal groups, 94.1% of adults and 78.3% of minors systematically or periodically consumed alcoholic beverages. It was also established that 82% of crimes were committed by them while intoxicated; among those convicted of aggressive crimes, the percentage of those who committed them while intoxicated is above average and reaches 90%,

Obviously, among other educational and preventive measures, the fight against alcoholism among minors and their parents should be given an important place in the prevention of juvenile delinquency.

Transferring the efforts of state structures, public organizations, law enforcement agencies from prohibitive measures to social and recreational ones is the most important condition for combating the alcoholization of the population and eradicating drunken crime, including among youth and adolescents.

So, we have examined the main ways and factors that determine the criminalization of asocial teenage groups, in which most of the crimes of minors are committed. Neutralization of the desocializing influence of criminogenic groups, their timely detection and suppression of group criminal activity is one of the most important tasks in solving the problem of preventing juvenile delinquency.

Chapter 4. Prevention of juvenile group delinquency

It is important to keep this in mind when planning preventive work.

One of the main tasks of the OPPN employees is the timely identification of groups and their registration. All this helps to determine a set of preventive measures for each of the participants.

By itself, the fact of registration is a means of psychological influence, prompting minors to refrain from illegal actions. It is advisable that, when registering, it be reported, as required by the order, at the place of study, work, residence, etc.

When identifying groups of interest to us, it is necessary to know their characteristic features. Here are some of them:

a) the presence in them of persons with antisocial behavior (convicted, returned from vocational schools, secondary schools, registered);

b) the presence in them of teenagers who do not study and do not work;

c) the participation of persons who have a dysfunctional family situation;

d) the presence of persons with limited interests engaged in aimless pastime.

The totality of these signs, manifested to one degree or another, is characteristic of the vast majority of groups involved in crimes.

The timeliness of accounting depends largely on the ability to identify and study groups at the stage when they do not yet commit crimes, but only organize themselves for this. The completeness of accounting depends on the ability to identify from a large number of mischievous boyish companies those that need to be paid attention to.

As you know, groups are taken into account in the case when each of the participants can be taken into account, and if the group has not yet committed illegal acts, but everything shows that it is on the verge of this, then here through the public and local collectives study and work need to take preventive measures.

In the process of studying the groups taken into account, in our opinion, it is necessary to pay attention to the following:

1. The nature and causes of deviations in the way of life, behavior, attitudes, habits of group members.

2. Possibility of their correction and re-education.

3. The distribution of roles, the nature of the relationship between the participants.

4. The individual characteristics of each participant, taking into account which he can be used to re-educate other members of the group.

5. Life goals of each participant.

6. The nature of the offenders (before registration and after).

7. Information about the identity of the participants.

8. Favorite meeting places.

9. Conditions of life, education, study, work.

10. Interests in music, technology, literature, etc.

11. Attitude towards the team.

12. Satisfaction with your participation in the group.

13. Information about changes in the nature of the group as a result of preventive measures.

The sources of such information can be characteristics from collectives, conversations with relatives, neighbors, etc.

OPPN employees and other police services identify groups:

a) as a result of patrolling;

b) incoming information;

c) when conducting investigative actions;

d) in the process of individual prevention (conversations);

e) as a result of the delivery of minors to the police department for committing an offense;

f) studying information in file cabinets, registers of detainees, in preventive cases and communications of persons registered in preventive cases and record-prophylactic cards.

At the same time, the measures taken have so far failed to curb the growth of crime and stabilize the situation. Youth crime is on the rise. Detection of such crimes is not improving. The "fork" between the number of identified criminals and the number of convicts is increasing.

In the Rostov region, due to the growth of gang crime, which has mainly objective reasons, additional measures are required to strengthen law enforcement agencies, primarily internal affairs agencies, and measures to improve the organization of their activities.

The study showed that the police today need modern means of communication and transportation, forensic and operational equipment, an increase in staffing levels, and professional personnel. The provision of its special property, equipment and transport, uniforms on the ground is 60-70% of the norms. The workload of employees of the criminal investigation department, OPPPN, investigators, forensic specialists, district police inspectors significantly exceeds the established standards. A significant part of them have been in office for no more than three years and have no legal education.

There are serious shortcomings in the organization of the work of various services and divisions of the internal affairs bodies to prevent crimes of minors and youth.

Employees of the criminal investigation department have weak operational positions in the criminal youth environment and criminal and pre-criminal groups of minors, and youth at the place of residence.

The level of educational and preventive work in the departments for the prevention and suppression of juvenile delinquency does not meet modern requirements. Their legal status has not yet been finally determined. The law "On the Police" does not mention the prevention of juvenile delinquency among the tasks and duties of the police at all. Nor does it say anything about inspections for juvenile affairs, although they are the main subdivision in the police system that ensures the prevention of delinquency among teenagers.

There is a sense of disunity between the activities of the PPPU and the criminal investigation apparatuses. With the creation of the prevention service in the internal affairs bodies, these units are subordinate to various services. In districts and cities, specialized units of the criminal investigation department for juvenile cases were abolished. Such decisions do not meet modern trends in juvenile delinquency and youth. According to our data, young people aged 14-29 make up the vast majority (from 50 to 80%) of the participants in the main types of crimes registered through the criminal investigation department. At the same time, as a survey of convicted juveniles showed, more than 60% of adolescents were not registered with the police before committing a crime and no measures were taken against them. Similar results have been obtained in other studies. According to K. K. Goryainov and G. I. Filchenkov, 68% of juveniles involved in group crimes are not detected in a timely manner and are not registered, operational-search measures are not carried out in relation to such persons.1

The reason for the lack of effectiveness of their work is often seen by the staff of the PPPU in the reorientation of their activities, in the fact that they are involved in the field in the disclosure of socially dangerous acts committed by minors who have not reached the age of criminal responsibility, but in fact all crimes committed by teenagers. This opinion is supported by some scientists. Doctor of Law L. L. Kanevsky criticizes the order of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation, which imposed on the OPPPN the obligation to carry out actions provided for by the criminal procedural legislation on materials in relation to minors who have committed socially dangerous acts before they reach the age of bringing them to criminal responsibility. Referring to the opinions of the staff of the PPPU and the fact that only 10% of them have a legal education, he considers the measure provided for in the order to be ineffective and not conducive to the organization of educational and preventive work among the serviced contingent.

It seems that in modern conditions it would be premature to release the employees of the OPGGPN from these duties. Since it is a question of considering applications and reports on crimes committed by persons under the age of criminal responsibility, and collecting initial documents for making an appropriate decision, it is difficult to find a more suitable unit to perform these functions than the OPPU. Other police departments work with no less workload and are no better provided with personnel with a legal education. The order of the Ministry of Internal Affairs is fully consistent with the current criminal procedure legislation. The law provides for not only the possibility, but even the obligation to carry out such functions by the bodies of inquiry (Article 119 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Russian Federation), but in practice this is unreasonably ignored. In addition, in the process of collecting such materials, the PUPP officers not only stay in touch with the "served population", but, on the contrary, have the opportunity to obtain extensive information about their lifestyle and immediate environment, which allows them to perform their tasks more effectively.

The role of local police inspectors in the prevention of juvenile delinquency is insufficient. The service areas of district police officers and employees of the OPPU, as shown by the study in some districts of the Rostov region, sometimes do not coincide, and they weakly interact with each other.

In far from all criminal cases against minors, and especially young people, the preliminary investigation authorities do not fully clarify the circumstances that contribute to the commission of crimes by them, the living conditions and upbringing of adolescents, the presence of adult instigators and connivances. The content of investigators' submissions on specific criminal cases and the recommendations set forth in them are in most cases formal and stereotyped.

Weakly participate in the prevention of crimes of minors and youth patrol services, traffic police.

It is required to take additional measures to improve the activities of the internal affairs bodies in this area. It is necessary to make adjustments to the relevant normative documents regulating the work of various police departments for the prevention of youth crime in order to increase its effectiveness.

We are talking not only about subdivisions for juvenile affairs of the internal affairs bodies, but also centers for temporary isolation for minors, subdivisions of the criminal police, and other subdivisions that take measures to prevent juvenile delinquency.

It is advisable to carry out special criminological prevention in a differentiated manner in relation to various criminogenic sources of crime, spheres of life of minors and youth, each of which has its own specifics. The most important task of special prevention is the targeted identification, elimination, weakening, neutralization of criminogenic factors in the immediate microsocial environment of young people and adolescents, a positive change in the personality of young people. For its implementation, it is required to ensure in each case a preliminary study of the characteristics of the object of influence, the regularity and sequence of the preventive measures being taken, and their sufficiency. In this regard, the following areas of special criminological activity are of particular relevance today, as the study showed:

1. Prevention of criminogenic factors of family trouble.

2. Neutralization of criminogenic factors at school and in labor collectives.

3. Prevention of negative influence of informal microgroups on youth.

4. Improving the state of the microenvironment of young people in places of deprivation of liberty.

Preventive activities to improve the situation in the family can be carried out in the following sequence:

1. Identification of dysfunctional families.

2. Diagnosis of family trouble.

3. Implementation of preventive measures to normalize the microclimate in the family.

4. Adoption of administrative and criminal law measures to influence parents who maliciously violate the duties of raising children. Identification of families where proper upbringing of children is not provided or there are no proper conditions for the life and development of minors and youth is a laborious process of collecting and analyzing information of various content from numerous sources. Among them are the following:

Letters, complaints, statements of citizens, organizations and institutions about the delinquent behavior of members of a particular family;

Records of detention by police officers of minors and young people for various offenses;

Administrative materials regarding adults with families and children (delivered and placed in medical sobering-up stations, detained for petty hooliganism, petty theft, etc.);

Materials of verification in relation to persons who have committed socially dangerous acts provided for by criminal law, before reaching the age of criminal responsibility;

Materials of criminal cases against minors; materials of criminal cases against adults with families and children, minors or young brothers and sisters;

Materials of medical institutions about persons suffering from chronic alcoholism, drug addiction, minors and young people registered with veterinary dispensaries;

Materials of divorce proceedings in courts; data from passport offices, civil registry offices, housing and communal services, social protection services about single mothers, widows and widowers raising minor children, about families experiencing severe financial difficulties;

Data from employment services on families where both parents with children are unemployed;

Special questionnaires filled out by specific teenagers;

Diagnosis of family trouble is carried out by examining documents, examining a dysfunctional family with drawing up a survey report, which reflects the quantitative and qualitative characteristics of a dysfunctional family (the number of family members, its financial situation, housing conditions, moral climate in the family, the relationship of parents with each other and with children, data on the behavior of family members, etc.) and outlines ways to normalize the situation in it, forms of social and state control. Commission surveys are conducted by police officers together with employees of educational institutions, representatives of local administrations, commissions for minors, and deputies.

Preventive measures to normalize the situation in dysfunctional families are carried out in two forms:

1. Educational and preventive effect.

2. Coercive-legal impact.

Educational and preventive measures are carried out at two levels:

1. For certain groups of families (general measures).

2. In relation to a specific family (individual measures).

Organization of pedagogical general education of parents in educational institutions;

Speech to parents by representatives of law enforcement agencies with lectures and conversations on legal topics;

Creation of a film lecture hall for parents at cinemas, clubs, Palaces of Culture with the topics "Children and the Law", "When Parents are Responsible", "Sexual Education for Girls and Boys", "Youth and Drug Addiction", "Responsibility of Minors for Administrative and Criminal Offenses" and others;

Offsite open meetings of courts, commissions on juvenile affairs with the consideration of criminal cases on crimes of adolescents and young people, materials on the deprivation of parental rights, with a discussion in the presence of parents from families of the risk of urgent problems of juvenile delinquency and youth in a microdistrict, settlement;

Organization in microdistricts, in public places of parental patrol;

Organization of training for bosses who provide methodological assistance to disadvantaged families and exercise control over them.

General educational and preventive measures are quite diverse and are not limited to the list proposed above. Therefore, it is necessary to constantly study practice, look for new forms of work, and disseminate positive experience.

The individual preventive measures are just as diverse. However, the latter should be selected taking into account the specific characteristics of a particular dysfunctional family, taking into account the diagnosis of the degree of family distress. At the same time, for each individual dysfunctional family, the subject of prevention develops a plan of individual measures, a short list of which can be as follows:

The study of parents at the place of work and residence, the possibilities of influencing the team on them;

Visiting family at home;

Invitation of parents (depending on the circumstances with both minors and adult children) for an individual conversation in the departments of the internal affairs body;

Applying to the relevant institutions for the provision of material, financial assistance to specific families, assistance in finding employment, providing housing, etc.

When educational and preventive work, despite the exhaustive measures taken, does not positive result or when the degradation of the family has reached a degree that directly threatens the physical and mental health of children and their immediate protection is required, and also, in cases provided for by law, coercive measures are applied to parents and persons replacing them. The subjects of prevention have a fairly wide arsenal of such measures. The legislation provides for the legal responsibility of negligent parents (up to criminal liability) for their criminal or simply irresponsible attitude to raising children.

The study of the practice of neutralizing criminogenic factors at school and in labor collectives shows that the indicated area of ​​activity of prevention subjects has been significantly updated. The characteristics of the microenvironment in educational and labor collectives have deteriorated significantly in recent years. Students and working youth are losing interest in school, in the mass professions of working people. Interpersonal relations are aggravated in school and work collectives. Mutual misunderstanding is growing between teachers and students, teachers and students, leaders and working youth. Adolescents and young people often try to resolve conflict situations that arise by force, and the need for communication is compensated by establishing connections in pedagogically neglected uncontrolled groups.

A selective study of the problem of violence was carried out in six schools in the city of Rostov-on-Don (an anonymous survey of 513 students in grades 4-11) located in districts and microdistricts of varying degrees of criminal infection. The age of the respondents is from 10 to 17 years old, 47% are males, 52% are females.

27% of respondents indicated that they were subjected to violence, of which 39% - once, 23% - twice and 32% - more than twice.

The forms of violence were distributed as follows: extortion of money - 47%, beating - 34%, bullying - 18%, extortion of things - 13%, violence against a person (verbal) - 9%, attempted rape - 6%, rape - 1% (the last two figures, due to well-known circumstances, even with an anonymous form of the survey, far from reflecting the real state of the problem).

Rapists, as a rule, are high school students (34%), more often from among "strangers" (45%), i.e. students from other schools or other educational institutions, primarily vocational schools, as well as teenagers who do not work anywhere and do not study .

Rapists act mainly as a group (60% of cases); alone - only 24%.

Violence is usually accompanied by a threat with a knife (19%), brass knuckles (5%), firearms (4%), as well as a gas pistol or spray can, nunchaku, metal sticks, chains, sticks, etc.

More than a third of the respondents (37%) did not tell anyone about what happened to them, because they "do not believe that they will be helped" (22%) or thought that "it will be even worse" (11%).

Of those who dared to talk about their trouble, 42% confided in their parents; friends, comrades - 53%, teachers - 4%, representatives of the police (mainly OPPU) - 4%.

It is important to emphasize that 73% of the surveyed schoolchildren are aware of the facts of violence in their environment.

At the same time, 19% of respondents observed this phenomenon or witnessed it, 41% of students learned about it from their friends and comrades, 30% from their parents, and only 10% from teachers. Only 11% of respondents indicated that they know about the problem through the media.

More than half of the respondents (58%) emphasized that they do not feel protected from violence, and only 36% answered positively (however, almost a third of them simply rely on their fists, a secluded lifestyle, etc.). 32% of the students answered - "all together", the police - 35%, the schoolchildren themselves - 24%, parents and teachers (9% each).

It is symptomatic that, at the same time, 54% of the respondents consider the establishment of permanent police posts at school to be the most effective way to combat violence. A serious argument in favor of introducing the post of school police inspector.

An analysis of the problem by gender showed that more than two-thirds of the victims of violence are boys (young men), although girls (girls) consider themselves less protected.

In general, the study revealed not only the extreme severity of the problem, but also increased anxiety and bitterness in children and adolescents.

Pessimists among the respondents, in relation to a possible positive change in the situation, are in the clear majority, and "optimists", in most cases, are those who believe in themselves (in their strength, available means of self-defense), in their older brothers or "cool" friends.

Most of the respondents, especially among high school students, not only quite clearly understand the state of the problem, its main causes, but also offer ways to combat this phenomenon and prevent it.

In a generalized form, these proposals boil down to the following: to teach children and adolescents ways of self-defense, the ability to behave correctly (competently) in appropriate circumstances, to pay more attention to improving culture and morality (introduce lessons "what is good and what is bad"), Special attention give to children from low-income families, etc.

The study not only confirmed the seriousness of the problem of violence among children and adolescents (including outside the school), but also the urgent need for urgent and effective responses from the state and society.

Employees of the internal affairs bodies - OPPUN, district inspectors and others need to constantly study the processes taking place in the youth environment in schools and labor collectives located in the service area, establish an appropriate record of teams in which an unfavorable situation develops, apply the entire arsenal of available preventive measures (as general and individual character) for its normalization. Criminal investigation officers are required to build up operational positions in such teams. The heads of internal affairs bodies in cities, districts and regions need to systematically consider at collegiums, operational meetings the issue of the state of the operational situation and preventive work in schools, vocational schools, universities, enterprises and organizations located in the served territories. It is required to ensure the exchange of information between various departments on these issues, to make submissions to the relevant higher educational institutions, committees and ministries.

Informal groups with a negative orientation have become widespread among adolescents and youth today. They are dominated by aimless pastime, accompanied by drunkenness, drug use, gambling, hooliganism, violence against individual members of the group, the commission of offenses and crimes. The latter is, first of all, the result of the unconscious reaction of young people to a sharp increase in social contradictions. Most of these groups arise at the place of residence of young people for joint leisure activities, on the basis of a class, hostel, yard, quarter, etc. The disorganization of leisure, the lack of social control, and weak preventive work lead to the fact that some groups, especially those in which a previously convicted leader appears, is reoriented into a criminal offender, with its own subculture, a system of relationships. They involve inexperienced teenagers, girls from dysfunctional families, against whom violence is committed, depravity and who are involved in committing crimes. Existing long time(according to our data, from 6 months to two years) and remaining undetected, such groups begin to unite and gravitate towards organized criminal structures.

A survey of minors registered with the OPPU in the Rostov region (Rostov-on-Don, Volgodonsk, Tsimlyansk) showed that the majority (59.3%) committed a crime (offence) in the group. The composition of the group of more than 4 people was indicated by 39% of the respondents. Almost half (46.7%) of these groups have a clear leader. The possibility of leaving the group was indicated by 54.8% of the respondents.

Most groups of juvenile delinquents (60%) consist of male juveniles. Groups mixed by gender make up 21.2%.

Most of the respondents were brought to criminal responsibility under Art. 158 and 228 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. There is a trend of rejuvenation of members of criminal groups. At the age of 12-14 years, they consisted of 28.9% of minors. At the time of the commission of crimes (offences), 62.2% studied at a secondary school, 21.5% studied at the ISU (Lyceum), 3.7% worked, and 11.9% did not work or study anywhere. Thus, comparing similar data from previous years, we can conclude that there is an increase in crime among secondary school students.

The negative influence of informal groups on adolescents and young people cannot be stopped by their isolation from the group, since the latter provides them with the necessary social and emotional comfort. Various approaches to solving this problem are proposed in the literature. The most rational and acceptable to us is the point of view of O. B. Lysyagin,1 who sees three solutions:

1) detachment of a young person from a criminogenic environment with his simultaneous inclusion in a positive environment;

2) reorientation of the criminogenic environment (group) to a socially useful, positive basis;

3) disbandment of adolescent (youth) groups whose activities reflect their antisocial orientation.

Let us dwell on the techniques and methods of influencing the group as a whole.

1. The most common method is disengagement. It consists in the fact that group members are determined in various educational institutions or are employed in various enterprises.

At the same time, conversations are held with parents so that they do not allow children to communicate with each other. Sometimes the organizer of the group and its most active members are sent to vocational schools and secondary schools, you can use a temporary referral for 15 days to PRI.

It must be borne in mind that if the attempt to disunite is unsuccessful, the bonds between adolescents are often strengthened, and their behavior may already have a pronounced antisocial character.

2. Another way is reorientation. Its essence is that the group basically retains its composition, but its focus is changing with the help of preventive measures applied to the entire company as a whole.

The educational impact on each participant is carried out through the influence on the group.

Moreover, methods are known when the influence on a group is carried out not only through personal influence by police officers, but also indirectly through pedagogical collectives and the public. With regard to other methods, you can stop at the following:

1. Reorientation of the group with the help of the leader - by influencing the group through him.

To do this, it is necessary to identify leaders (it is believed that the existence of leaders in a group is natural, and with the elimination of one leader, another takes its place).

2. You can reorient the group and the introduction of a new leader from among the public. The influence of the old naturally diminishes. It must be borne in mind that all reorientation options are based primarily on the uncritical reflection by group members of the influence that leaders and most persistent members exert on them.

Currently, the problem of leadership is one of the most serious.

The fact is that the leader at school and the leader on the street are completely different people. Some minors with organizational skills become leaders of street spontaneous companies. In schools, falling into the category of "difficult", they are removed from leadership. In other cases, they themselves do not want to occupy command positions. Especially if the asset is mostly girls.

Thus, as long as such an abnormal situation exists, there will be undesirable formations among minors.

Involuntary resistance to this process strengthens the leader's need, as already mentioned, to participate in a group of peers of the same sex. Consequently, the way out is in the expansion of boyish companies controlled by adults (circles, sections, services, camps).

The inclusion of all or several participants in another team with a different useful orientation (circle, camp) will be the next third method of reorienting the group.

Unfortunately, the employees of our OGGPN do not always attach importance and skillfully use the leisure of minors in re-education (in moral development, the elimination of bad habits of behavior in general).

It should be remembered that juvenile delinquents always love lively business and do not tolerate monotony. They have such qualities as:

a) sociability;

b) thirst for research (hence easily excitable curiosity, questions);

c) the desire to create from nothing, supplementing the missing imagination;

d) the instinct of creativity (the desire to express oneself, fantasy);

e) instinct to imitate.

Summarizing the foregoing, it is possible to formulate the requirements that must be met by a team capable of reorienting a group of minors.

His activities should be useful, exciting and interesting, while observing the principles of independence, activity and creativity that satisfy the minor.

What measures of individual prevention can be applied to group members?

We have repeatedly drawn your attention to the fact that the preventive impact on the group does not mean the rejection of individual work with each of its members.

Moreover, the impact on the group is only effective when it affects each member individually.

It must be remembered that all the means of individual prevention used can be considered as measures to prevent group juvenile delinquency.

When working with minors in groups, it is necessary to:

1. To study their individual characteristics, worldview, intellect, mental state, moral qualities. If the first individual characteristics allow you to plan preventive work correctly, then the latter will allow you to judge the readiness for correction. It is important to establish the teenager's own opinion about illegal behavior, whether it is remorseful, indifferent, or the teenager flaunts his actions.

2. It is necessary to take into account the specific circumstances that contributed to the illegal behavior and create difficulties in re-education.

3. Establishment of psychological contact between the offender, parents and police officers.

4. The inevitability of punishment.

Impunity contributes to the strengthening of group solidarity, which weighs on each participant and can nullify the effectiveness of educational efforts.

And vice versa, the application of the necessary sanctions to the guilty creates the necessary prerequisites for individual prevention.

5. The correct selectivity of preventive measures is very important, since the same measures of influence can lead to opposite results. The most commonly used in the prevention of individual conversations.

Conversations can be divided into two groups:

1. Search character. In it, it is important to determine the reasons for the teenager's bad behavior, the nature of his relationship with group members, his position, in other words, the employee searches for various circumstances, knowledge of which helps to develop specific ways of individual influence.

2. Preventive in nature, carried out by persuasion, suggestion, warning.

The conducted checks of the work of the OPPN show that individual conversations are often one-sided, conducted mainly in connection with the commission of an offense, while a preventive conversation is based on the information collected and involves an educational impact.

Often the position of the teenager in the group is not taken into account. Other members of the group, having learned about the call for a conversation, are on their guard. Sometimes it can be useful to have conversations with all participants at once. Here it is important to choose the right venue, time, determine the persons participating in the conversation, parents, members of the teaching team. The readiness for a conversation largely depends on the awareness of those who are called. It is necessary to arrange the participants for a frank conversation. What everyone individually was afraid to tell, everyone says, such frankness can contribute to a reassessment of one's behavior, the ability to correct.

Helping parents is important. It is very important that the DPU worker strives to establish contact with parents. Unfortunately, these contacts are reduced to the presentation of various claims. Sometimes, indeed, parents would like to properly raise their children, but they fail. In these cases, a consultation should be arranged.

With regard to negligent parents, appropriate measures should be taken to force them to change their attitude towards children.

The study of the group files showed that the OPPN officers do not know what should be in other operational-search files.

Required documentation:

1. Inventory of documents in the file.

2. Decision on the need to open a case.

3. Action plan.

4. The chosen method of separation, reorientation, forces and means involved in this.

5. Characteristics of the group (amorphous, situational, there is a core, the most active participants, predicted groups).

6. List of group members.

7. Distribution of roles between group members.

8. Favorite meeting places.

9. Photographs of group members.

10. Scheme of connections of group members.

11. Scheme of gathering places for group members.

12. Information about persons directly responsible for the upbringing of a teenager.

13. Other individuals who can positively influence the group.

14. Characteristics for the group received from the place of study, work.

15. Activities carried out with the group.

16. The work of the district inspector with the group.

This is a brief description of the activities carried out with a group of minors.

Now about mixed groups.

According to statistics, every 2-4th group crime involves persons who have reached the age of 18. The involvement of adults always strongly influences the nature of illegal acts committed by groups of adolescents. Studies have shown that if the duration of the existence of teenage groups is 1-2 months or more, and mixed groups are shorter, then this indicates the randomness of their occurrence and the absence of permanent connections between the participants. The difference between adolescent groups and mixed groups is small. Adults 18-20 years of age participate in mixed groups. Is one of them always the organizer in groups with adults? It turns out - no. Most of these groups are led by minors.

Thus, adults aged 18-20 are no different from minors. Apparently, not so much age as the level of development, the degree of demoralization, personal qualities determine the position of the participant in the group. It should be noted that if groups of adolescents with the participation of 18-20-year-old adults, as a rule, are organized on the basis of comradely companies, then groups that include older people are more often formed directly for the commission of a crime.

The participation of older people makes the group more organized, stimulating it to commit other illegal acts, and the leader himself counts on the subordination of the teenager, the appropriation of the kidnapped, and most importantly, on avoiding responsibility.

So, 18-20-year-old adults in groups of teenagers can be both ordinary participants and organizers, and even more often - performers. Moreover, their age is not of decisive importance in groups, does not determine their role. Adults who are much older, as a rule, act as organizers of crimes and instigators. Employees should always keep this in mind when working to separate groups that include adults and minors.

Special criminological measures in this case should be closely linked with general social measures - the creation of an appropriate leisure industry, the improvement of the activities of cultural and sports institutions, and other leisure institutions. It seems that it would be a mistake to rely only on passive (contemplative) rather than active forms of leisure.

Foreign practice shows that in countries where there is a favorable situation with youth crime, considerable attention is paid by the state to work at the place of residence of young people.

In parallel, individual preventive work should be carried out with difficult teenagers, young people with a criminal mind who are members of informal groups of a negative orientation, and their leaders. Emphasizing the importance of the individual in the genesis of criminal behavior, N. F. Kuznetsova rightly notes that "no preventive work, no matter how it heals the environment, can be considered complete as long as there are criminogenic needs, interests and motives in the minds of prevented communities and individuals" .

Purposeful educational work should promote the reorientation of criminogenic leisure groups of adolescents and youth. Further legalization of informal associations will make it possible to control the behavior of "informals", influence their motivation, and destroy antisocial attitudes. Establishing constant contacts with the leaders of informal youth groups of a negative orientation will make it possible to carry out active preventive work to prevent actions on their part that violate the law and order. Identification of such groups at the place of residence, timely registration, active operational work in relation to them will create opportunities to prevent them from committing hooliganism, theft, robbery, robbery and other crimes.

Work at the place of residence is one of the urgent tasks in the system of special prevention of youth crime. Being a little-studied problem, it requires further study of the role of the microenvironment in the mechanism of formation of the personality of young criminals. Prevention of the spontaneous influence of the negative microenvironment is one of the most important tasks of all subjects of crime prevention among minors and youth

The research carried out can be summarized as follows:

This book considers a wide range of scientific and practical problems that arise both in various branches of psychological and pedagogical knowledge, and in various areas of preventive practice, social and correctional rehabilitation work.

At the same time, some of the problems associated with the diagnosis and correction of child and adolescent maladjustment are only indicated and require their further, more in-depth scientific study and testing in experimental work. At present, such work has begun to be actively carried out both in practice and in various scientific teams. So, in particular, for these purposes, in 1991, the Committee on Family Affairs and Demographic Policy and the Ministry of Education of the Russian Federation established the VNIK "State System of Social Assistance to Family and Childhood", which managed to combine the efforts of many practically oriented scientists and practitioners from Moscow, St. Petersburg, Yekaterinburg, Belgorod, Voronezh, Rostov, Chelyabinsk. Diagnostic-correctional and social programs developed by VNIK have been introduced and tested in schools with classes of remedial and compensatory education, in centers for social and pedagogical rehabilitation, and at faculties of social work.

The work of the VNIK experimental sites shows that equipping practitioners, teachers, psychologists, social educators and workers with preventive psychological knowledge makes it possible to more effectively carry out preventive functions based on psychological and pedagogical support and assistance to children and families at risk, conducting special correctional and rehabilitation programs in the conditions of the school educational process, the socio-pedagogical organization of the educational environment.

The introduction of these programs into wide practice is associated with the creation and development of a special social industry, including the development and publishing of scientific and methodological literature, the training and retraining of both practitioners and teachers of higher educational institutions, the creation of practical centers for social and socio-psychological assistance.

The functions of implementing the scientific and practical programs of the VNIK "State system of social assistance to families and childhood" were assumed by the Consortium "Social Health of Russia", which established a specialized publishing house and a specialized periodical "Bulletin of Psychosocial and Correctional and Rehabilitation Work", and also opened the Center for Psychosocial work, began the implementation of the training program, began to implement programs of social and correctional and rehabilitation work in various territories of Russia.

Maintaining contacts with different territories and regions, we are pleased to state the fact that there is a noticeably growing interest in this problem and understanding of the need for a professional approach to its solution among representatives of the managerial level both at the state and municipal levels.

This is also facilitated by the opening of faculties and departments for the training of social workers in almost sixty Russian universities. I would like to hope that the combined efforts of scientists, practitioners, representatives of management structures and authorities will allow Russia to move from punitive preventive practices to a set of measures of social and psychological and pedagogical support and assistance to families, children, adolescents as the main condition for preventing and correcting child and adolescent deviations .

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1.2 The role of the group in the socialization of adolescents

Belonging to a group can meet many of the needs of a young person. For young adolescents, the opportunity to share common interests and hobbies with friends is of great importance, loyalty, honesty and responsiveness are very important for them. Later, adolescents are looking for such a contact that would allow them to find understanding and empathy for their feelings, thoughts, and would also provide emotional support from their peers.

In primitive society, the so-called "men's houses" and age unions played an important role in the socialization of adolescents and young men, which often covered the pre-adolescent age (8-12 years). Consciousness of belonging and emotional attachment to an age group precede the formation of closer and more individualized friendships, which are often maintained throughout life.

The feeling of belonging to a peer group and communication with them is much more important for men of all ages than for women. And at first glance, boys of all ages are more sociable than girls. From a very early age, they are more active than girls in making contact with other children, starting joint games, etc.

Any society is differentiated into groups and subgroups, and according to different signs that do not coincide with each other.

Firstly, there is social stratification, which is especially noticeable in large cities and manifests itself both in the inequality of material opportunities and in the nature of life plans, the level of aspirations and ways to implement them.

Secondly, a special intra-school and intra-class hierarchy is being formed, based on the official status of students, their performance or belonging to the "active".

Thirdly, there is a differentiation of authorities, statuses and prestige on the basis of unofficial values ​​accepted in the teenage environment itself. In high school, the differentiation of interpersonal relationships becomes more noticeable than before. As the sociometric studies of Ya.L. Kolominsky (1976), A.V. Kirichuk (1970) and others, the difference in the position of "stars" and "rejected" ("isolated") becomes more pronounced.

The desire to unite in groups, typical for adolescence, is called the grouping reaction (Lichko A.E., 1983) .

social perception

The criteria that determine the sociometric status of a teenager are very diverse.

Whatever determines the status of a teenager in a team, it has a strong influence on his behavior and self-awareness. The unfavorable position in the class team is one of the main reasons for the premature departure of high school students from school. Nine-tenths of the examined M.L. Alemaskin (1971), offenders registered with juvenile affairs inspectorates were "isolated" in their school classes. About half of the examined G.G. Bochkareva (1972), juvenile delinquents treated classmates with indifference or hostility.

Ya.L. Kolominsky established a number of patterns of social perception in adolescents:

– a tendency to overestimate the self-assessment of sociometric status among low-status students and to underestimate it among high-status students;

- egocentric leveling - the tendency to attribute to other members of the group a status either equal to one's own or lower;

- retrospective optimization - the tendency to more favorably assess one's status in previous groups (1976).

The more critical a teenager is to himself and the higher his self-esteem, the higher his positive sociometric status. Obviously, there is also an inverse relationship - the sociometric status also depends on the behavioral characteristics of the teenager, manifested in relation to the group: those inclined to rational conformism fall into the group of "neglected", prone to non-conformism - into the group of "rejected" (Kolominsky Ya.L., 1976 ). The isolation of a difficult teenager in the classroom can be not only a cause, but also a consequence of the fact that he stands apart from the team, neglects its goals and norms of behavior.

Comparing the actual status structure of classes and its assessment by teachers working in these classes, Ya.L. Kolominsky found that teachers unwittingly smooth out status differentiation by downplaying the significance of extreme categories. And without the ability to assess the status of a student in the system of collective relationships, it is difficult for a teacher to find an individual approach to him.

Youth groups and their rivalries are a universal fact of human history. As already mentioned, in primitive society there were "men's houses", in feudal society there were "kingdoms of jesters", in the villages the "left-bank" were at enmity (when conditionally, and sometimes seriously) with the "right-bank". "Cliques", "gangs" and "gangs" arose in the city. In post-war Leningrad, at one time there were serious skirmishes between the guys from the Petrograd and Vyborg sides.

In groups, adolescents acquire the ability to resolve conflict situations.

The basis of this phenomenon - the opposition of "We" and "They" according to the territorial principle - exists almost everywhere.

The weakening of the influence of the family creates the so-called "effect of the pack" - an increase in the degree of identification of a teenage boy with a group of peers, caused by a weakening of the influence of the family, especially the paternal principle.

Group options

Youth (and, more broadly, youth) groups and associations can be compared and evaluated by various parameters: by their legal status (official and unofficial, institutionalized and spontaneously spontaneous), by socio-psychological status (affiliation groups and reference groups), by size ( large and small), by the degree of stability (permanent, temporary, ephemeral, one-time, random), by socio-spatial localization (intra-school, out-of-school, yard, street), by type of leadership (democratic and authoritarian), by ideological orientation (pro-social, antisocial and antisocial).

One of the most extensive studies of youth groups in Russia was carried out by I.S. Polonsky in Kursk. According to him, spontaneous group communication covered at least 80-85% of all adolescents and young men. On 9/10, these groups were of different ages, including both adolescents and young men. The social composition was also usually mixed (schoolchildren, young workers and vocational school students). The number varied from 5 to 15 people. More than a third of the groups were exclusively male; the rest united boys and girls. Approximately half of the examined I.S. Polonsky companies - permanent, stable, the rest - temporary, situational.

Having discovered that the leaders in spontaneous groups are most often teenagers and young men who have not found use for their organizational skills at school, I. S. Polonsky studied, using sociometry, the situation of 30 informal leaders (having the highest status on their streets) in those classes where they are studying. It turned out that among younger teenagers, there are still no sharp discrepancies between the position at school and on the street, but by the 9th-10th grade, a trend of status divergence is noticeably visible: the higher the status of a young man in a spontaneous group, the lower he is in the official classroom. team. This gap in the status and evaluation criteria of school and out-of-school leaders creates a complex psychological and pedagogical problem.

Being based primarily on interpersonal relationships, spontaneous groups do not know the sharp divergence between the official structure and the structure of personal relationships that is observed in organized collectives.

Conformity

A typical feature of adolescent and youth groups is an extremely high level of conformity. Fiercely defending their independence from their elders, adolescents are often completely uncritical about the opinions of their own group and its leaders. The weak, diffuse "I" needs a strong "We", which, in turn, is affirmed as opposed to "They".

The passionate desire to be “like everyone else” (and “everyone” is exclusively “ours”) extends to clothing, aesthetic tastes, and behavioral style. That is, individuality is affirmed through uniformity, which is carefully maintained. The more primitive the community, the more intolerant it is of individual differences, dissent, and otherness in general.

Thus, the collective-group behavior of adolescents and communication with peers takes on the character of a priority at this age. Youth groups primarily satisfy the need for free communication unregulated by adults. Free communication is not just a way of spending leisure time, but also a means of self-expression, establishing new human contacts. Belonging to a company increases the confidence of a teenager, a young man in himself and provides additional opportunities for self-assertion. The adolescent environment is characterized by differentiation of authorities, statuses and prestige based on unofficial values. In high school, the differentiation of interpersonal relationships becomes more noticeable.

Lack of life experience. The choice of a profession, the choice of a life partner, the choice of friends - this is not a complete list of problems, one solution or another of which largely forms the image of the future life. Chapter 2. Youth subculture. Culture refers to beliefs, values, and expressions that are common to a certain group of people and serve to streamline experience...

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