• a) 1 - ritual poetry. Ritual complexes associated with the calendar cycle and economic and agricultural activities of a person are distinguished.
• 2 - Ritual complexes associated with human life (household) - birth, naming, initiation, wedding ceremony, funeral.
• 3 - Ritual complexes associated with the physical, moral state of a person and with everything that lives in his house (conspiracies).
• b) 1 - Non-ritual poetry. Epic (epic, fairy tale, ballad) and non-fabulous (legend, legend, true story, spiritual verses). Lyrics (lyric song). Drama (folk drama): inviting balagenic grandfathers, Petrushka theater.
• c) Small folklore genres (ditties, proverbs, lullaby, sayings, nursery rhymes).

Children's folklore (riddles, teasers, nursery rhymes, etc.);

Proverbs + sayings;

Chastushki.

Traditional Russian wedding

Marriage is a social act. For many peoples, betrothal is a separate group of rituals.

The ransom of the bride is a rite of separation.

A wedding is a ceremony of initiation, that is, inclusion in the totemic clan. It is a rite of passage for the inclusion of a stranger in the community.

After marriage, a girl and a boy move into the category of social mature men and women, nothing can force them to return to their previous position.

In traditional culture, a wedding ritual is a complex of ritual actions that provide and sanction the acquisition of a new socio-age status by an individual.

Traditional Russian wedding is a complex phenomenon, which includes elements of various origins, nature and functions. Along with archaic rituals (mating, unweaving the braid of an interrogated girl, etc.), Christian layers can be seen in the wedding ritual, for example, pilgrimage, weddings and others.

Being a family event, the wedding went beyond the narrow boundaries of the family to a large extent. The entire community followed the emergence of a married couple, and then a new family. One of the important goals of the wedding ceremony was the recognition of the marriage by the community. The attention of fellow villagers to the newlyweds did not wane throughout the year after the wedding. After this period, the status of the young, as a rule, changed. The birth of a child meant that the married couple took place, and the newlyweds moved into age category full-fledged adults or families.

In the Russian tradition, according to the household structure, focused on the main occupation - agriculture, there were two main terms for weddings: in the fall - from the Intercession (October 1) to the beginning of the Nativity Fast, Filippov's spell (November 14) and in winter - from Epiphany to Shrovetide week.

The composition of the wedding participants, which was a multi-stage event, was quite large. In addition to the bride, groom and their parents, the obligatory participants in the wedding were their closest spiritual relatives on both sides - the godparents of the bride and groom, who, as a rule, performed the role of matchmakers and matchmakers. Of blood relatives, the bride's brother played an important role. In addition to matchmakers and matchmakers, the main wedding ranks were the friend and the thousand. The friend was in charge of the groom's train, overseeing the wedding and ensuring that all customs were observed. He spoke from the groom's side; usually the elder married brother of the groom or the witty and talkative guy from the groom's friends was chosen as a friend. In the boyfriend, improvisational abilities were valued, manifested in comic sentences and dialogues with the bride's side and all the wedding participants. The duties of the boyfriend were shared by the tysyatsky, who also represented the groom's side; often played the role of tysyatsky Godfather groom.

The junior wedding ranks were "perezovschiki" who invited people to the wedding, "friends" and "boyars" who made up the groom's "squad", "cows" and "cooks", wedding table and other stages of the wedding, "peddlers" and "clerks" associated with the transfer of the dowry from the bride's house to the groom's house, "barrels", "nails", "cups", "spoonfuls", "nalivashniki", "stolniki", responsible for serving food and intoxicating drinks during trips for the bride, to and from church, as well as during the wedding feast.

Girls - bridesmaids, representing the age and gender group that she left, were indispensable participants in the pre-wedding stage. They played a certain role in the rites of farewell of the bride to girlhood, as well as throughout the entire wedding cycle in the right moments performed ritual songs. In some local traditions, the wedding was attended by a "polite" (sorcerer), who assumed the magical functions of a friend. The villagers could participate in the wedding as spectators, sing songs, arrange outposts for the train with the newlyweds, etc.

Wedding folklore was an integral part of the wedding ceremony. Folklore texts performed throughout the entire wedding cycle, starting with matchmaking, vary in form and function. These are songs sung by the bridesmaids and all participants in the wedding, and the lamentations (crying) of the bride. The art of lamentation was especially developed in the North Russian tradition, where instead of the bride, a specially invited "professional" weeping (or mourner) could lament. The crying of a bride or a mourning woman was often accompanied by laments and songs of girls who were "voices". From matchmaking to completion, the wedding was filled with a variety of sentences, dialogues, allegorical or comic orders. Except for the sad drawn-out wedding songs great songs were performed (for newlyweds, boyfriend, parents of young people, each guest separately), comic cory songs (matchmaker, tysyatsky, boyfriend), dance songs, ditties. Each folklore text had a specific ritual meaning and was clearly assigned to a specific wedding rite, time and place in the ceremony.

Conspiracy songs. They began to paint the young in the position of the bride and groom, idealizing their relationship. Songs are narrative or dialogue.

Bachelorette party songs. Monological forms appeared on behalf of the bride

Sentences. Rhymed poetry. Compositionally, they consisted of a monologue, but the appeal to the participants in the rituals led to the emergence of dialogues.

Magnificent songs were of a congratulatory nature, they were honored and sang.

Corral songs. Creation of caricatures. Their reception is grotesque.

A special side of the wedding was the performance of certain magical actions aimed at the well-being of the ceremony itself (matchmaking at night, avoidance by matchmakers of oncoming people, bypassing the wedding train with an icon, etc.) and the future life of the newlyweds (meeting the young from church by their mother-in-law, dressed in fur turned out a fur coat, the first feeding of young people with milk, cut in half with an egg or an apple, etc.), as well as adherence to a number of prohibitions (prohibitions against wooing on Monday, pounding on coals while heating the bride's bath, crying for the bride after the wedding, and many others) and compliance with the norms of behavior by different participants weddings.

Marriage was interpreted in the traditional mind as a temporary symbolic dying for rebirth to a new life in a new quality. In the process of the wedding, the enlisted girl passed into another socio-age category, said goodbye to her girlish will, young and, to a certain extent, carefree life.

The idea of ​​a symbolic death manifested itself in wedding rituals at various levels. So, for example, the clothing of the "conspiracy" resembled either funeral or funeral clothing. In the Arkhangelsk province, for example, the bride wore a white, unadorned shirt with long sleeves to the floor, which was called "weeping", "mahawka", since at moments of lamentation, the "prosvatanka" walked along the floorboards, waved her arms from side to side and cried. In the Russian North, in some local traditions, the wedding dress, which consisted of a white "healer" shirt and a blue sarafan, was later used as a funeral garment.

The idea of ​​the temporary death of the bride was embodied both in the regulation of the movement of the betrothed girl and in the rituals of her farewell to her native village, all relatives and neighbors, with places where youth festivities took place. After getting married, the girl found herself practically isolated in her home (cf. fabulous bride). She stopped attending gatherings, festivities, and spent all the time at home, receiving her friends. Her exit from the parental home was associated exclusively with the rites of farewell.

The idea of ​​symbolic death is also evidenced by the genre of wedding lamentations that accompanied all the rites and pastimes of the bride from the moment of matchmaking to the wedding. Wedding laments in a number of ways - the manner of performance, certain formulas, descriptions, commonplaces, etc. - are typologically close to funeral laments.

After the wedding ceremony, which changed the status of the bride and groom (now they were called "young", "newlyweds"), their symbolic revival took place, accompanied by a change in the mood of wedding rituals: there was general fun. The bride was forbidden to cry, otherwise, according to popular beliefs, a sad life in marriage could await her.

Wedding ceremony was divided into three stages: pre-wedding, directly wedding and post-wedding. The first stage included the ceremonies of preparation for the wedding and the farewell of the bride to her friends, the village, neighbors, etc. The complex of pre-wedding ritual actions included matchmaking, the bridegroom's bride-show (“the house to watch”), pilgrimage, collusion between the bride and groom, hand-marriage, singing of the bride, the bride's prenuptial bath, bachelorette party, unweaving of the braids.

The Russian wedding ceremony, depending on a particular local tradition, had its own characteristics. The variation of the ritual also depended on the specific situation: the bride and groom from one or from different villages, close or distant from each other; additional elements included the wedding of an orphan bride. However, the course of the wedding and its structure were more or less stable in all regions, and the composition of the main ceremonies and stages of the wedding ceremony was characteristic of all local traditions.

The topic of oral folk art in Russian literature is unusually diverse, there are numerous genres and types of folklore. All of them were formed gradually, as a result of the life and creative activity of the people, manifested over several hundred years. Currently, there are specific types of folklore in literature. Oral folk art is that unique layer of knowledge, on the basis of which thousands of classical works were built.

Interpretation of the term

Folklore is oral folklore, endowed with ideological depth, highly artistic qualities, it includes all poetic, prose genres, customs and traditions, accompanied by verbal artistic creation... Folklore genres are classified in different ways, but mainly there are several genre groups:

1. Labor songs - formed in the process of work, for example, sowing, plowing, haymaking. They represent a variety of shouts, signals, tunes, parting words, songs.
2. Calendar folklore - conspiracies, omens.
3. Wedding folklore.
4. Funeral laments, recruiting laments.
5. Non-ritual folklore is small folklore genres, proverbs, fables, omens and sayings.
6. Oral prose - legends, legends, stories and stories.
7. Children's folklore - pestushki, nursery rhymes, lullabies.
8. Song epic (heroic) - epics, poems, songs (historical, military, spiritual).
9. Artistic creativity - magical, everyday tales and fairy tales about animals, ballads, romances, ditties.
10. Folklore theater - paradise, nativity scene, dressing up, performances with puppets.

Consider the most common types folklore in more detail.

Labor songs

It's a song genre distinctive feature which is a compulsory accompaniment labor process... Labor songs are a way of organizing a collective, social work that sets the rhythm with a simple melody and lyrics. For example: "Wow, let's pull it together to make it more fun." Such songs helped to start and finish work, rallied the workers' squad and were spiritual assistants in a difficult physical labor people.

Calendar folklore

This type of oral folk art belongs to ritual traditions calendar cycle... The life of a peasant working on the land is inextricably linked with weather conditions. That is why there was great amount rituals that were performed to attract good luck, prosperity, large offspring of livestock, successful farming, etc. The most revered holidays of the calendar were Christmas, Maslenitsa, Easter, Epiphany and Trinity. Each celebration was accompanied by songs, chants, conspiracies and ritual actions. Let us recall the famous custom of singing Kolyada's songs on the night before Christmas: “The cold is not a problem, Kolyada is knocking on the house. Christmas is coming into the house, it brings a lot of joy. "

Wedding folklore

Each separate place had its own types of folklore, but mostly they were lamentations, sentences and songs. Wedding folklore includes song genres that accompanied three main rites: matchmaking, farewell of parents to the bride and wedding celebration... For example: "Your product, our merchant, is just a miracle well done!" The ritual of handing over the bride to the groom was very colorful and was always accompanied by both lingering and short funny songs. At the wedding itself, the songs did not stop, they mourned the single life, wished love and family well-being.

Non-ritual folklore (small genres)

This group of oral folklore includes all types of small genres of folklore. However, this classification is ambiguous. For example, many of the species relate to children's folklore, such as pestushki, lullabies, riddles, nursery rhymes, teasers, etc. At the same time, some researchers divide all folklore genres into two groups: calendar-ritual and non-ritual.

Let's consider the most popular types of small genres of folklore.

A proverb is a rhythmic expression, a wise saying that carries a generalized thought and has a conclusion.

Signs - a short verse or expression that tells about those signs that will help predict natural phenomena, weather.

A proverb is a phrase, often with a humorous bias, that illuminates the phenomenon of life, a situation.

A sentence is a small verse, an appeal to natural phenomena, living beings, surrounding objects.

A tongue twister is a small phrase, often rhymed, with difficult words to pronounce, designed to improve diction.

Oral prose

Oral prose includes the following types Russian folklore.

Legends are a story about historical events in folk retelling. The heroes of the legends are warriors, kings, princes, etc.

Legends - myths, epic narratives about heroic deeds, people fanned with honor and glory, as a rule, this genre is endowed with pathos.

Bylichki - small stories, which tells about the meeting of the hero with some "evil", real cases from the life of the narrator or his acquaintances.

Grammatics - a summary of what really happened once and with someone, while the narrator is not a witness

Children's folklore

This genre is represented by the most different forms- poetic, song. Types of children's folklore - what accompanied the child from birth to adulthood.

Pestushki -short rhymes or songs accompanying the very first days of a newborn. With the help of them, they nursed, nurtured children, for example: "The nightingale sings, sings, cute, but good-looking."

Nursery rhymes are small melodious poems designed to play with kids.

Puffs, spreads,

Rotok is a talk,

Handles are grabbing

Walking legs.

The chants are poetic, song appeals to nature and animals. For example: "Summer is red, come, bring some warm days."

A joke is a small fairy tale poem hummed to a child, a short story about the world around him.

Lullabies are short songs that parents sing to a child at night to lull them to sleep.

Riddle - poetic or prosaic sentences that require a solution.

Other types of children's folklore are rhymes, teasers, and tales. They are extremely popular in our time.

Song epic

The heroic epic demonstrates oldest species folklore, he talks about events that happened once in a song form.

Epic is an old song told in a solemn but unhurried style. Glorifies the heroes and tells about their heroic deeds for the good of the state, the Russian fatherland. about Dobryna Nikitych, Volga Buslaivich and others.

Historical songs are a kind of transformation of the epic genre, where the style of presentation is less eloquent, but preserved poetic form narration. For example, "Song of the prophetic Oleg."

Artistic creation

This group includes epic and song genres created in the spirit of folk, artistic creativity.

A fairy tale is a short or long epic story, one of the most widespread genres of oral folk art about fictional events and heroes. All this is folklore, the types of fairy tales in it are the following: magical, everyday and reflect those ideas about the world, good, evil, life, death, nature, which existed in the folk environment. For example, good always triumphs over evil, and there are wonderful mythical creatures in the world.

Ballads are poetic songs, a genre of song and musical creativity.

Anecdotes are a special type of epic narration about comic situations in people's lives. Originally they did not exist in the form in which we know them. These were stories, complete in meaning.

Fables - a short story about impossible, incredible events, something that was fiction from start to finish.

A ditty is a small song, usually a quatrain with a humorous content, telling about events, incidental situations.

Folklore theater

Street performances were very common among the people, the subjects for them were various genres, but most often of a dramatic nature.

Nativity scene is a kind of dramatic work intended for street puppet theater.

Rajok is a kind of picture theater, a device in the form of a box with alternating drawings, the stories told at the same time reflected the oral forms of folklore.

The presented classification is the most common among researchers. However, it should be understood that the types of Russian folklore mutually complement each other, and sometimes do not fit into the generally accepted classification. Therefore, when studying the issue, a simplified version is most often used, where only 2 groups of genres are distinguished - ritual and non-ritual folklore.

UDMURT INSTITUTE OF HISTORY, LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE

URAL DEPARTMENT OF THE RUSSIAN ACADEMY OF SCIENCES

As a manuscript

Olga Votintseva

MIDDLE AND LOWER WEDDING FOLKLORE

(FUNCTIONAL DEFINITION OF MUSICAL POETRY GENRE)

Specialty 10.01.09. - folklore

Izhevsk 2002

The work was performed at the Department of Folklore and Book History of the Syktyvkar State University

supervisor: Doctor of Philology, Professor A.N. Vlasov

Official opponents: Doctor of Philology, Professor T.A. Zolotova, Candidate of Philology, Associate Professor M.A. Vavilova

Leading organization: Pomeranian State University them. M.V. Lomonosov hours at the meeting

Defense will take place "_ ^ _" May 2002 at the Dissertation Council K 004.020.01 at the Udmurt Institute of History, Language and Literature of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences at the address: 426004, Izhevsk, st. Lomonosov, d.

The thesis can be found in the library of the UDIIYAL UB RAS **** - 2002.

Scientific Secretary of the Dissertation Council, E.B. Belova is a candidate of philological sciences.

them. H I / YUBACHVSKvGO ^ shskogs -or vMi "swiH 0-734122 - / Relevance Topics Among the many problems studied by modern folklore studies, the problem of the historical life of folk art is still relevant. Despite enough big number works devoted to Russian weddings in different local zones of Russia, there are many "white spots" in the study of local traditions, allowing to comprehensively recreate the Russian wedding ceremony in its historical development. The analysis of musical and poetic folklore, proposed in this work, helps to fill many gaps in domestic science in the study of the genre composition of wedding ceremonial folklore.

The subject of research in this work is a wedding musical and poetic folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda (Lensky and Kotlassky districts of the Arkhangelsk region). The middle and lower Vychegda lands have been inhabited since ancient times by the Finno-Ugric tribes. In the XIV century, the Permian peoples, driven out by the Novgorodians, began to retreat to the east. The "Perm Finns" who remained on Vychegda became Russified. The considered tradition is "borderline" with the culture of the Finno-Ugric peoples.

At the turn of the XV - XVI centuries. in the North, counties began to form, consisting of a city and subordinate volosts. So, in the 16th century, in the basin of the Sukhona, Yuga and the upper reaches of the Northern Dvina River, the Veliky Ustyug district was formed, from which the Solvychegodsky district was later distinguished, which previously included the lands that now belong to the Lensky and Kotlas districts. At the beginning of the 17th century, the Yarensky district was formed in the Vychegda river basin. Since 1796, the Solvychegodsky and Yarensky districts have been part of the Vologda province. The expansion of the Solvychegodsky district took place in 1922, when the Yarensky district of the Komi autonomous region was abolished and its five volosts became part of the Solvychegodsky district of the North Dvinsk province. Another administrative-territorial division took place in 1937, when the lands centered in the cities of Solvychegodsk and Yarensk became part of the Kotlassky and Lensky districts.

The long existence of the Solvychegodsky and Yarensky districts within the same province became the reason for the appearance of common noticeable and song texts in their traditional culture.

Of great importance for the formation of the cultural image of the region were the cities-townships accompanied by the formation. The culture of this region of Novgorod and Rostov, immediately on their way, inhabited places along the banks of large rivers. One of them was the Dvina with its tributary Vychegda.

Under the influence of Novgorod, a new type of culture emerged in the Vychegda lands, urban (posad), long time which existed together with traditional culture in general and folklore. A special place in new culture architecture and literature. The emergence and existence of towns-posadov and the distribution of wedding folklore in the Nizhnevychegodsky region. One of the factors in the preservation of the tradition in Solvychegodsk and its environs is the migration of the population to this region from the nearby areas:

Vilegodsky and Luzsky, which significantly affects the genre composition and theme of the performed texts.

functional analysis of the genres of wedding musical and poetic folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda are absent. This determines the relevance of the work. Its scientific novelty lies in the fact that for the first time the Vychegda folklore tradition, which includes two microlocal traditions, is analyzed.

spatial boundaries, in which there are the Middle Vychegda and Nizhny Vychegda traditions, the definition of the genre composition of the texts of the wedding musical and poetic folklore of the indicated regions and the degree of their transformation in time.

The research objectives are:

1. Description of the functions of the works of wedding musical and poetic folklore in the ceremony;

2. Analysis of the poetics of notable and song texts;

3. Comparison of recordings of wedding music-poetic folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda at different times;

weddings with texts from other traditions.

Methodology Classifications, traditional for Russian folklore studies, do not cover the entire array of poetic facts of wedding folklore in the area under consideration. To study the historical movement of the regional tradition and its current state, the work implements diachronic and synchronous approaches to the analysis of folklore material, which makes it possible to trace the transformation of tradition in time.

The most important method used in the analysis of the texts of wedding texts, which are distributed both within one region, and occurs at the poetic level: plot, figurative and formulaic.

The mapping method clarifies the boundaries of the considered traditions.

Sources of work Collecting folklore in the middle and lower Vychegda began in the last quarter of the 19th century. During this period, mass popular scientific publications "Living Starina" and "Ethnographic Review" appeared, in which works on the middle and lower Vychegda wedding of N.G. Ordin, N. Ivanitsky. An important source for the diachronic study of wedding musical and poetic folklore is: an article by N.N. Arueva "Peasant weddings in pre-revolutionary times near the city of Solvychegodsk", published in the fifth issue of the periodical "Notes of the Severo-Dvinsky Society for the Study of the Local Area" (1928).

In addition to the published folklore and ethnographic materials, for the first time, for the analysis of wedding folklore, the handwritten notebooks of the correspondents of the Ethnographic Bureau of Prince V.N. Tenishev, stored in the State Ethnographic Museum.

Interest in the folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda, which has increased in recent decades, has become the reason for the beginning of active collecting and research activities. In the 60s and 70s. expeditions of folklorists of the Commission of Musicology and Folklore of the Union of Composers of Russia were organized to the middle and lower Vychegda. The next stage in the study of the folklore tradition of the region was the expeditions of philologists-folklorists of the Moscow State University.

M.V. Lomonosov. The study of the folklore of the Kotlassky and Lensky districts of the Arkhangelsk region of a complex nature was carried out in the 80s.

employees of the problematic scientific laboratory of folklore archaeographic research of the Syktyvkar State University. In the 90s. active collecting activity in the area of ​​middle and lower Vychegda was carried out by specialists of the department of folk culture of the Solvychegodsk Museum of History and Art. On expeditions organized by the museum Active participation hosted by the author. These materials became the main sources of research. In the course of work with unpublished materials of these folklore archives, over 250 text records were identified and introduced into scientific circulation. wedding poetry and 150 ethnographic reports.

Practical significance the work consists in using its main provisions and source study base of the application for the study of other local folklore traditions. From the moment of fixation and processing of the field material, the research results are involved in teaching practice... Author's programs and special courses have been developed and implemented in studying proccess Koryazhemsky branch of the Pomor State University: "Wedding musical and poetic folklore of the middle and lower Vychegda", "Nizhnevychegodsky song folklore".

Approbation. Certain provisions of this work were presented as reports at regional and all-Russian conferences:

"Tsarskoye Selo Readings" (St. Petersburg, April 2001), "February Readings" (Syktyvkar, February 2002). Articles on the topic of research have been published in regional and central publications.

The main content of the work

The work consists of an introduction, two chapters, a conclusion and an appendix.

considered outside the ritual complex. He is connected with him semantically and the structure of the rite and its poetic content. A functional-poetic analysis of the commemorative and song texts of the middle and lower Vychegda makes it possible to clarify the wedding folklore available in Russian folklore studies in the studied area, the order of its following in the rite will determine the structure of this work.

of the middle and lower Vychegda, in which the unique verifiability of folklore material of the late 19th - early 20th centuries was formed, the main stages of collecting work in the area carried out in the 90s were marked, the relevance of the topic was substantiated, goals were formulated and tasks work, identified the main methodological approaches to the problems of identifying the local specifics of wedding genres in the middle and lower Vychegda:

The genre composition of the middle and lower Vychegda wedding, which can be considered as a variant of the North Russian wedding ceremony, is represented by lamentations (18 plots), singing (plots), "songs" (28 plots) and "glorifications" (22 plots).

In the first chapter, the structure of the wedding ceremony of the middle and lower Vychegda is considered and the characteristics of its song content are given.

the following acts are characteristic: the choice of the bride, matchmaking, bachelorette party, white bath, matchmaking, wedding, wedding in the groom's house, red table, mother-in-law's pancakes. The composition of the ritual actions of the average Vychegda wedding, where there is no choice of the bride, is somewhat different from this structure. At the same time, the period of making the bride's dowry, in which her friends took an active part, is called the shitnik, which is longer in time than on the lower Vychegda. It also includes the last party at the envoy's house. Nizhnevychegodsky bachelorette party, at the direction of the performers, was an evening in the bride's house on the eve of the matchmaking.

Various actualization of the rituals of the shitnik and bachelorette party became the reason varying degrees the representation of works of the same genres in the studied traditions. If on the lower Vychegda the tradition of lamentations was developed to a greater extent, then on the middle one - humming. The motive of sewing gifts by the bride is typical only for the songs of the middle Vychegda region due to the special significance of the shitnik rite in the tradition of the Lena region.

Matchmaking in the middle and lower Vychegda is characterized by a different set and functions of wedding ranks, which is significantly reflected in the plot and poetic structure of the “songs” and “glorifications”. Donor function

the groom performed, according to the recollections of the informants, only in the villages and villages of the middle Vychegda. In the Lensky district, there are no wedding ranks of the stock and the veil, which are especially revered in the lower Vychegda, due to the presence in the rite of praise songs in honor of the cook and brewer, who are not performed in the Kotlas district, who prepared pies, beer and disposed of them at the wedding. Podvoisky performed this function in the wedding of the Kotlassky region. The custom of covering the bride with a handkerchief during matchmaking was not widespread in the middle Vychegda. Therefore, there is no mention of the veil and its functions in the reports of the performers of the middle Vychegda. Informants on the lower Vychegda point to the functioning of this rank in the rite.

Chapter two devoted to the study of musical and poetic genres of the middle and lower Vychegda wedding consists of three sections.

The first paragraph of the second chapter examines the genre of lamentation in the context of the rite.

Lamentations, characteristic mainly of the lower Vychegda, are closely related to the rite, which is reflected in the theme of lamentation. Middle and lower Vychegda wedding lamentations are mainly collective form: the bride and her friends participated in their performance. The emergence of solo lamentations recorded in a single number is explained by the tradition of solo funeral and memorial lamentations developed in this area. If collective lamentations are stable, then solo ones are characterized by a large degree of improvisation, due to the one-time nature of their performance.

Solvychegodsk and its environs, where one of the main factors in the preservation of the tradition was the migration of the population to this region from the Luzsky and Vilegodsky districts. Lamentations recorded in the indicated area were widespread in Luza. Among all the districts adjacent to the Srednevychegodsky district, only in Luzsky the lamentation was first performed at a matchmaking. On the lower Vychegda lamentations began to sound at a bachelorette party, as indicated by the ethnographic reports of the performers and the materials of the book. V.N. Tenishev. In the records made in the 60-90s. In the 20th century, informants call two laments "lamentations of matchmaking", one of which is performed solo ("Oh, you, my darling"), and the other collectively ("Don't pray to God, don't bow down"). For the pilgrimage was characterized by the collective lamentation "As in those years with the father."

The main motives of the texts of this thematic group are the motives of the bride's unwillingness to go to the wrong side ("Oh, you, my darling"), the deceit of the parent, who promised "not to betray to someone else's side" ("Do not pray to God, do not bow down"), the preparation of the bride for the wedding ("As in those years at the father's place "). The central image of all the lamentations of matchmaking is the image of the bride's father, who decides to marry his daughter, blesses her and is inactive. It acts not as a subject, but as an object of action.

The lamentation "Don't pray to God, don't bow down" has a double functional implication. In the late notes of the 90s, made in the Solvychegodsk r / s, this lament, in addition to the indicated motives, contains the second part of the description of the groom's household and his qualities as a master. In this case, the performers consistently relate lamentation to the moment of dressing the bride in a kuga before matchmaking after examining the groom's house by the bride's relatives.

Nizhnevychegodsky bachelorette party was the first act of the wedding, during which lamentations began to sound. The main theme of the lamentations of this ritual period "I departed with you, friends" is "free maiden life" and the bride's memory of her. Attributes of "free life" in lamentation are "wearing a scarlet ribbon", "going to the merrymaking". In the one-theme lamentation of the late 19th century, presented was developed in more detail, using formulas not used by the parent "," wise neighbors. " On the present stage the existence of the tradition, there is a significant simplification of the previously popular for lamentable theme of "girl's will" due to the truncation of a number of poetic formulas. At the same time, the plot-forming motives commenting on the main ritual actions remain unchanged.

lamentations "Bless, Lord, go to the warm bathhouse", "Go, brother", "Oh, you brother, you are my brother", "The little head is burned out."

The main motives of this group of lamentations are the motives of "grief", "the bride's way to the wrong side", "preparation of the bathhouse by the bride's relative", "frenzy (longing)". The lament "Bless, Lord, go to the warm bathhouse" marks the beginning of the bride's journey to the wrong side. With a request to heat the bath, the bride most often turns to the Nizhny Vychegodsky region, the function of a woodcutter is fixed. Girlfriends act as stokers of the bath. In the text, lamentations with the same theme from the archives of the collection of the book. V.N. Tenishev contains a more detailed commentary on the future ritual and a description of the state of the bride during its performance. In the lamentation, both bath attributes ("soap, water, firewood") and wedding attributes ("white shrouds", "golden crowns") are presented, which indicate that the stage of the bride's marriage was interpreted as the onset of death. Transformation of the laments of this thematic group to the above group. However, in in this case truncation of thematically important motives could occur due to the loss of the sacred meaning of the images-attributes of the wedding. If the Nizhny Vychegda lament "Go, brother, to the forest for a little place" is functionally fixed by the performers for the bath ritual, then the Srednevychegodsk lament "Oh, you brother, you are my brother", as instructed by the informants, was repeatedly performed during the time of the boss. Both lamentations are addressed to the brother of the bride, whose goal is to "heat the bathhouse." However, in the middle Vychegda plot, due to the different nature of functioning, new poetic motifs develop, recorded in the following formulas that are stable for a number of Shitnik's texts: "You come to my room / Unimai talk to my father, father and mother." In the middle Vychegodsk tradition, the rite of the white bath was less developed than in the lower Vychegodsk (Kotlassky and Vilegodsky district, which borders on it).

The lament "Crazy little head" symbolizes the completion of the bride's journey to the wrong side. This lamentation combines the motives of "grief", "the bride's father treating her girlfriends with wine" and "the gift of beauty", which semantically prepares an introduction to the lamentation ritual with the central image of the braid-beauty. These lamentations began to be fulfilled during the bride's gift of "beauty" to her friends and her outfit for the crown. This group includes the following lamentations: “I will take my beauty away”, “Unwrap, friend, my fair hair,” “You take pictures, friend, of my girlish beauty,” in which the bride's activity is minimal. The bride does not herself perform actions with the scythe, but asks her friends about it. In the thematically similar laments of the V.N. Tenisheva's theme of separation of beauty from the bride is being developed in more detail, using a number of formulas that are not presented in modern texts ("naughty hair and beauty (ribbons)." nor patrimony "with the central motive of expressing the bride's request to her father to bless her.

On the lower Vychegda, solo lamentations "Oh, yes, I have outlived my dear mothers", "You are my dear friend", going back to the funeral lament, as indicated by their lexical content ("obsolete" , "Died").

The main motives of these lamentations are the motives of "obsolescence"

brides in the parental home and parting with girlfriends. If in the Nizhny Vychegda lamentations of this group, the moments of "spitting" of her relatives who participated in parting with the bride are actualized, then in the middle Vychegda solo lamentations, the central theme is the carefree, free life of the bride's 6th girlhood and the memory of her in comparison with what awaits her in someone else's family ( lamentations "You made a lot of drunken beer, father," "Thank you, father, I made a drunken beer"). These lamentations have a three-part structure, in contrast to the Nizhny Vychegda lamentations, which represent the appeal of the bride to her father and girlfriends. The first part contains an expression of gratitude by the bride for the prepared wedding, first of all for the brewed beer, which is traditional for the wedding poetry of the middle Vychegda, the second is an expression of the bride's request to her parents to say goodbye to her in a kuga, and the third (in a number of variants the second) - description of someone else's family.

If the Nizhny Vychegda lamentations, mostly performed collectively, are recorded in a larger volume of texts and perform the function of pecking the bride in connection with the special actualization of the ritual acts of the bath and bachelorette party, then the Medium Vychegda lamentations, which are of a solo nature, strengthen the function of commenting on the updated rituals of the shitnik and preparing the bride for matchmaking.

In the second paragraph of the second chapter of the dissertation, the genre and functional features of "humming" are considered. The commonality of the content of this group of songs, their functions in the ritual, poetic system and performance indicate their existence as a special genre variety of musical and poetic folklore. Singing are songs of an elegiac nature, performed at the beginning of the matchmaking. Formally, they were close to crying. In the middle Vychegda, humming, replacing lamentations, performed the functions of commenting on the ceremony and pecking at the bride, characteristic of crying. The bride mourned her past state, life in the parental home, the attributes of which were the images of the "blond braid", "parents' house", "girlfriends", which were plot-forming in the songs of this genre. A common arsenal of traditional poetic formulas was characteristic of humming and lamentations.

Among the singing, two intra-genre groups can be distinguished. The songs of the first group contain formulas with a weakened function that comments and guides the course of the ritual. The actions performed by the bride are devoid of ritual specifics. The accuracy of the formulas that capture the characteristic of lamentations is absent in the orations of this group. The songs of the second group are characterized by the presence in their structure not of individual poetic formulas, but of whole bundles of accusatory formulas, characteristic as the formula composition is distinguished by ritual specifics inherent in lamentable motives. The singing of both groups is characterized by an open plot, which allows one to include lamentable formulas in the second part of the song. Moreover, the first part of the song is characterized by a greater degree of stability.

The chanting has a common two-part composition: a description of the initial ritual situation in the first part and a monologue-self-characteristic of the bride, including motifs, in the second part.

The first group includes songs performed during the preparation of the bride for the crown (unweaving of the braids) with the central image of beauty (“You gossip-doves”, “You don’t stand still, mountain ash”), the bride’s outfit for matchmaking (“The sun has risen high”) and directly matchmaking ("Drank my dear father"). At the beginning of the 20th century, the plot of the song "Oh, you gossip-darlings", performed in the middle Vychegda, was built as an appeal of the bride to her "girlfriends" with a request "to come and sit."

("Gather in a single circle"), "do not marry" and "pour a mountain around the circle" so that "the betrothed does not come in." In this version of the song, the second part contains poetic formulas, traditional for crying, for the bride to say goodbye to the braid:

"The little boys will untwist their braid." Formulas describing a ritual situation, a ceremonial function that guides the course of a ritual. Poetic formula, "A girl will lose her beauty." The nibbling function, serving the purpose of creating a certain mood of the pre-final part of the rite, is predominant in this case. The poetic formulas of the bride's farewell to the scythe-beauty in the chanting “You don’t stop, mountain ash”, recorded in the Lensky district, are extremely generalized. Crying on the braid as part of the bride's self-characteristic monologue, characteristic of lamentation, is absent in this text. Girlfriends seek to make the bride cry in her parents' house for another purpose of a non-ritual nature, which is not characteristic of lamentation:

"You cry at your father's, dear mother's / You will cry later at someone else's alien / Behind the pine pillars / Behind the spruce barks / So that people don't see / Yes, they don't tell a dear friend."

Generalized are the poetic formulas of "drinking the bride", "sending her to work in the parental home" in the chanting "Drank my dear father".

The motive of “the bride's passing to the wrong side” in the chanting “The sun has risen high”, which is also characteristic of lamentations, is also not developed in the text from a ritual point of view.

The transformation of the songs of this intra-genre group occurs due to the truncation of the poetic formulas of lamentation in the second part of the text. The second part of the song ("Already you gossip-dear") in the 90s. represents the response of the young man to the girl's appeal to her friends with a request to establish an obstacle on the way to her. This became the reason for the weakening of the elegiac function of the song and, accordingly, the development of functional polysemy in it. The song is no longer characterized by the informants as humming.

Thus, it is possible to indicate two main ways of transforming the singing of the first intra-genre group: firstly, this is the deformation of the formulas common to elegiac song and crying due to the improvisational nature of the second part of the text and, secondly, the development of new motives of a playful nature. In the chanting song "On the bank of the chapel stood" honorable poetic formulas, characteristic of this text of the late 19th century.

(publication of M. Protopopov in "Living Antiquity" for 1903, manuscripts from the archives of Prince VN Tenishev), in the records of the 90s. absent. The groom's appeal to the bride "welcome to the warm lady" is truncated.

The songs of the second group are performed mainly during the period of the bride's farewell to relatives in the kuta and the unweaving of the braids before the wedding. These include the following plots: "Am I walking along the tower", "Are you a fast river", "You are my dear mother, do not go to the wine-glass", "I walk along the Siyanskaya mountain". The song "Am I Like a Tower" belongs only to the Middle Vychegda folklore tradition. It is functionally timed to the moment of the bride's farewell to relatives in the kuta.

The poetical formulas of the bride's search for the clan-tribe, characteristic of the first part of the song, are the basis for introducing into the second part of the song lamentable formulas, which are the appeal of the bride to the deceased mother with a request to "rise from the grave" and "come to her own daughter into the kut, behind the curtain "with the aim of" blessing "and" forgiving ". In this case, the functional confinement of the song changes. It is already characterized by informants as "the singing of an orphan" and is an example of a synchronous diffusional change in the function of songs "and in the rite." The second version of this song contains poetic formulas that are also characteristic of the lamentations of the bachelorette period: “Just think, girlfriends, for me / I will be happy / Let people admire.” In this case, the song is assigned to the act bachelorette party.

The transformation of these singing is carried out due to the loss in the second part of the song of deplorable formulas and the introduction of the ending of the game character into the text: "You deviate from all / You lean against one / To a good fellow." The song in this case no longer has the label "singing". The crying of the bride over the fair-haired braid is the plot-forming motive of the singing "You girls, pigeon seeds". By the beginning of the 90s. the nature of the improvisations in the second part of the text changes, which significantly affects its structure, the imperativeness (appeal to the braid) is replaced by descriptiveness. Several versions of the song contain a description of the actions of the bride with her braid before marriage: “I got up early in the morning for you / In the evening went to bed late / I scratched my head with an expensive fish comb / Braided all the different ribbons in a braid / All different multi-colored / Multi-colored, German”.

These poetic formulas acquire a generalized character in the song: there are no indications in the text of the unweaving of the braids by the girlfriends, the gift of beauty by the bride. The accustomed motives of the "undergrowth grass", "unripe berries", which characterize the bride, underlie the development of adapting to the poetic structure of wedding poetry.

As the tradition develops, the second group of chants becomes small in number due to truncation, deformation or replacement of the accustomed poetic formulas, the loss of the symbolic meaning of images, which occurs as a result of diachronic changes in the text. Changes in the ritual semantics of chanting texts cause the development of a functional polysemy of songs sung during the period "before matchmaking" and "beginning of matchmaking."

polyfunctional and actually glorious songs.

More urgent problem the functional definition of wedding songs in the middle and lower Vychegodsky districts becomes when analyzing a group of "songs" which, in contrast to the chants attached unambiguously to the pre-wedding period, performers ((scattered "throughout the rite, fixing the same plot often behind the first and, at the same time, after the second day of the wedding. Dilution of texts by informants with the same plot motives for different functional groups is due, firstly, to the different degree of significance of one ritual act in different regions and, secondly, to their multifunctionality.

Matchmaking was accompanied by the performance of songs, in which, in contrast to singing, the magnifying function was enhanced. The "songs" of the matchmaking both commented on what was happening and dignified the main actors ritual, especially the bride and groom. Therefore, researchers rightly call them multifunctional.

Polyfunctional songs began to sound from the time the groom arrived at the bride's house. Among the polyfunctional songs, three intra-genre groups can be distinguished. The songs of the first group have a two-part composition: the first part of the song comments on the ritual acts of matchmaking, and the second is a celebration of those who take direct part in them. The second part of the song contains magnifying formulas. The following songs belong to this group: “Not from the wind, not from the whirlwind”, “When I was young”, “Not yesterday, not the day before yesterday,” “Water spills in the pockets,” “There are currants in the meadows”. The transformation of the songs of this group is carried out mainly due to the truncation of the descriptive elements contained in the second part of the song. These changes are diachronic in nature. So, at the earliest known version song "Not from the wind, not from the whirlwind", presented in the materials of N.N. Arueva, the glorification of the groom is a large volume of the second part of the song, which in modern recordings of the 80-90s. has not survived. Poetic formulas "gold - silver", indicating the wealth and nobility of the person being magnified, are similar to those used in magnifying the thousandth.

However, despite the fact that glorification is an important structural and content element of the text, the song subsequently does not assume the function of glorification due to the commentary function strengthened in the text, which becomes the main one as the song transforms in time. This largely explains the functional polysemy of "songs"

of this group. The same kind of changes affected the unique plot of the song "When I was little", characteristic only for lower Vychegda.

The topic of matchmaking was relevant for the songs of this genre group, which was reflected in the plot of the song "Not yesterday, not the third day." Its functional confinement to this ritual act is indicated by the motive of rooting a foreign side, which is plot-forming. The second part of the song represents the dignity of the groom through the description of his wealthy home.

The song "Water is poured in the pockets", commenting on the ceremony of the groom's arrival at the bride's house, contains the glorification of the bride on behalf of the matchmakers as an answer to the refusal of the bride's mother to let them into the house. The glorification of the bride, who “did not marry her equal,” is contained in the song “There is a currant in the meadows”, which is widespread in the middle Vychegda region.

The second group of songs is composed of texts in which there are no elements of glorification. The performer only indicates the person to whom a request of a ritual nature is being addressed or who performs an action preceding the rite, which contributes to the strengthening of the elegiac function in the song. This is the reason for the appearance in songs as the tradition of poetic formulas of chanting develops, which is typical mainly for the Nizhny Vychegodsky region. So in the song "Svaty are leaving home" the second part is the crying of the bride about the lagging behind her parental home: "Svaty are leaving home / Yes, they leave me alone / Yes, no one will bother about me / One mother will regret / Another father will push."

The indications of the magnified face are contained in the multifunctional songs "We punished you, Maria," "The brave good fellow, lost the Italian cross."

However, the wedding "songs" of the middle and lower Vychegda not only combined the functions of commenting and magnificence, but also included the poetic formulas of a number of actually great songs. These songs make up the third intra-genre group of polyfunctional lyrics. These include the following plots: "On the street dozhzhi dozhzhat", "White swan lagged behind." In one of the versions of the song "On the street dozhzhi dozhzhat"

the poetic formulas “silver rings”, “golden rings” are used, which are also characteristic of the dignity “All guests are good at the table” with a traditional ending for it.

When comparing the variants of the songs of this group, it is found that the magnificant function is more pronounced in the texts widespread in the Middle Vychegda tradition. The transformation of the song, its transformation into Nizhny Vychegda songs, occurs due to the weakening of the magnificant function and the loss of the descriptive element.

In the polyfunctional songs performed in the pre-eternal period, poetic formulas are used, characteristic of the glorifications of one person, performed in the middle and lower Vychegda folklore tradition, the multifunctional songs of the pre-echelons are not realized. The topic of “connecting the young” is not yet being developed on a textual level.

Most of the polyfunctional songs discussed above are characterized by functional ambiguity. This is primarily characterized as "falcon" (with a central image of a falcon). They were attributed by informants in the Middle Vychegda tradition to the ritual moment of the arrival of the young from the crown, since, unlike similar stories that are common in other traditions, in these songs ("You are a falcon and a falcon son", "Oh, you falcons, falcons ") The main plot-forming motive is the motive of capturing a swan - a" red girl "and forcibly bringing her to the groom's house, which is recorded in a number of formulas that are stable for this plot: carry them to the second day of the wedding. In conjunction with the song "Oh, do not fly, falcon, but along the gorenka" with the central image of a falcon to the ritual of the shitnik, in addition to the above, a new motive "sewing a fly" develops in it.

Similar in semantics to the image of a falcon taking the bride away is the image of the groom's horse, central in the song "In a damp forest, I milk barley" a large number options both in the middle and lower Vychegodsky area. The image of the groom's horse is important for paired dignities, functionally assigned by the performers for the second wedding day.

Actually the great songs, the performance of which is marked in the polyfunctional ones by the presence of an enhanced great function in them, dominating over the commentary on the course of the ritual action. The middle and lower Vychegodsky magnifications are represented by two groups, which we distinguished after I.M. Kolesnitskaya: paired and descriptive.

("Send our gusli", "Because of the forest, the fields are clear"), dressmaker ("The princes match turitsa", "You sit down, boyars, in the bench", "The matchmaker rode from the new city"), cooks (" Thank you, cooks "), the brewer (" Thank you, the brewer "), the tysyatsky (" Tysyatskaya, you came here "), to all the guests at the table They said, Gregory the rich"), the groom ("We, to married ranks Alexander, dignify "," All the boyars are sitting from the kuti along the avalanche ").

Descriptive dignities, presented, in comparison with couples, in a smaller number of variants, were timed by the informants to the first day of the wedding, on which the final enlistment of the young had not yet taken place. At the same time, the greatness of the persons who went through the stage of separation from the previous state (the groom and the bride) and persons directly related to this rite (the thousandth rite, they are developing the theme of engaging the young are being developed. , fixing those rituals in which the dignified person is included (the groom, distribution in the Nizhny Vychegodsk region of the magnificence "Send our appeal to the girl:" Give linen, low bows. " , “The princes of the matchmaker - turitsa” indicates the presence of a stable motive in them for the “boyars to sit on the bench” during their arrival at the bride's house for matchmaking, and a more static description of the marriage partners' gathering for the wedding by listing the elements of the clothes she prepares and the actions taken for this. especially in the middle Vychegda region, where the pre-wedding ceremony of brewing beer was especially significant and, therefore, poetically relevant performers.

Descriptive magnifications function in a greater number of texts on the territory of middle Vychegda due to the greater preservation of tradition in this area. Important role in the functional definition of these, the statement of a number of researchers of great songs, in particular Yu.G.

Kruglov that they do not have a clear functional confinement due to the indistinct expression of their ritual significance, in our opinion, is not indisputable.

In the paired magnifications, which are widespread mainly in the lower Vychegda, several plot-forming motives stand out.

Traditional for the plot of the texts "Alexander Ivanovich's head was combed", "It was in China, in the city" was the motive "the bride combing the groom's hair", the girl curling the groom's curls, which indicates the completion of the marriage action, the final transition of the bride to the status of married women. These songs were performed at the stage of the final joining of the bride to the groom's house and poetically recorded the formation of the married couple.

The second important plot-forming motive of paired magnifications is the motive of “the bridegroom's giving the bride water”, which is realized in the Nizhny Vychegodsk songs “As in the upper room on the table” and “Chashe1vsi lity”. Its magical meaning and ritual semantics are especially pronounced in the magnificence "As in the upper room on the table." The drinking of a cup of honey by the bride must end with the birth of a son by her. Thus, the motive of giving water (honey) by the groom to the bride is semantically and functionally similar to the motive of “combing the hair”.

The third important poetic motif of the majestic songs of the second wedding day is the motive of "the bride being taken away by the groom's horse", which also means the bride's final transition to the "wrong side" and is realized in the songs "The horse runs along the bank", "It was on the raft, on the raft." In a number of variants of the dignity “The horse runs along the bank”, the presence of poetic formulas fixing the bride’s refusal to go over to the wrong side and stand “under the crown of gold,” as well as the motive of “washing the gifts,” with which the song begins, serve as the basis for attributing this song to a group of pre-final glories.

The considered paired glories of the second wedding day in a number of variants have a stable ending of a playful nature, in which the general mood of the participants in the post-mortem part of the rite is expressed: "She is whitewashed, anointed, he is ordered to kiss / Good fellow."

The paired magnifications of the second day of the wedding in a poetic sense fix not only the final transition of the bride to the side of the groom, but also recreate the picture married life... So, in the srednevychegodsky magnificence "Like a Charochka", the plot-forming motives are the husband's coming to his wife's house and asking them to meet her with his son.

The functional confinement of magnifications to ritual acts is determined by the semantics of the text as a whole and the meaning of its main images.

The Conclusion of the thesis contains the general results of the research that determine the originality of wedding tradition middle and lower Vychegda.

The conclusions reflect the genre-functional features of “lamentations”, “singing”, “songs” and “glorifications.

The Appendices give a systematic index of the middle and lower Vychegda wedding songs (No. 2) and the place of their localization (No. 1). Appendix No. 1 contains transcripts of the most complete versions of lamentations, singing, polyfunctional songs and glorifications. In the comments to each text, the place, time of recording, surname, name, patronymic, year of birth of the performer are indicated, the formula differences are noted in all recorded versions of the song with one plot.

A number of thesis provisions are set out in the following works:

1. Ecological traditions of the average Vychegda population // Ecology, education, science, culture: state and prospects of the conference of young scientists on June 18-22, 2001. Arkhangelsk, 2001.

functional definition of musical and poetic genres of regional scientific conference November 6-8, 2001 Arkhangelsk, 2001.

3. The problem of genre definition and classification of wedding musical and poetic folklore of middle and lower Vychegda // interuniversity conference of young scientists on January 25-26, 2002.

Cherepovets, 2002.

4. On the issue of clarifying the genre classifications of wedding folklore: humming in the middle and lower Vychegda marriage ritual // Actual problems of modern science. No. 3. 2002.1, A.L. (in the press).

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Thirty years ago it was impossible to imagine a wedding without songs. And almost all modern weddings have their own soundtrack: instead of grandmothers, DJs and other brothers "sing". However, live "music" somehow breaks through either in the form of grandmothers or in the form of song contests. This confirms the statement of the famous researcher of Russian folklore V. Anikin - “As part of the wedding ceremony, the most important place are occupied by songs. "

Wedding songs are different from all other songs related to life (of course, we will not mention the funeral rite anymore). These songs literally belong to the rite and are never performed outside the wedding ceremony. Functionally, wedding songs, glories and laments are very important - they kind of illuminate the weight of the ceremony, making it understandable, marking the most important points and milestones of this impressive and long event. Songs among all wedding folklore carry songs in a sense and legal force, being performed and confirming the legal (as we would say now) side of the event.

In addition to this factual and factual significance, wedding songs undoubtedly carried and continue to carry an aesthetic function. They also differ from the rest of the songs in their eloquence, often in allegory and in a special narrative style.

Another of the types wedding art- glorification. Glorification is a genre of song praise, while praising not only the bride and groom, but also future relatives. However, one should not dissemble - most often they praised, over-praised and even praised the bride and groom. The examples of glorifications that have come down to us demonstrate their direct connection with incantatory magic, which helped to feel prosperity, wealth and other material and mental benefits that have already come, existing right here.

Later, exaltation from incantatory magic turned into expression perfect image moral behavior, spirituality, beauty, material wealth without any connection with magic and magical conspiracies.

Lamentations occupied a very special place. These are such sad, sometimes very sad, examples of folk art. Lyrical stories that touchingly described the experiences of the bride and her girlfriends, parents, and other wedding participants. The functional significance of lamentation was completely subordinated to the rite. The bride necessarily presented her upcoming marriage as a forced departure from the parental family, as an action that is committed against her will. Hence the sadness and anxiety and, of course, lamentations. This was done for the same magical motives that governed the wedding songs: in this way, the bride and her new family hoped to avoid revenge of the ancestors of the host family.

Other researchers of Russian folklore suggest that often the lamentations were also a reflection of the bride's true feelings at the time of parting with her parental family.

After some time, the lamentations were transformed and began to only partially follow the ancient magic ritual, but acquired the function of directly expressing the feelings of people who take part in the wedding. Nevertheless, the essence and the most obvious distinguishing feature of lamentations lies in the name itself. People are lamenting in a confused state.

folklore oral variability improvisation

The Russian wedding has preserved traces of the early historical periods with their marriage relationship. The most archaic echoes of pre-monogamous (group) forms of marriage, dating back to matriarchy. According to its original meaning, the ceremony is a female initiation, the dedication of a bride-girl into a group of mothers. The ancient collective nature of such initiations is reflected in devishnik. In the bride's house, songs were sung, in which the arrival of the groom was portrayed as wind, storm, he himself was called the destroyer and a destroyer. All these are traces marriage-abduction, that is, one in which the bride was abducted (first by force, and later by mutual agreement). The next form of marriage is "purchase and sale", which apparently existed among the Polyans. The groom had to pay for the bride Vienna, similar to the kalym known among the Muslims. In the Russian wedding game, scenes were played out of the redemption of a place next to the bride, her braid (or herself, which was equivalent), and a dowry. The ransom was small, almost symbolic: gifts, food, small money. Sometimes you had to guess riddles ("Who is redder than the sun, who is brighter than the light of the month?"). One of the pre-wedding rituals was called handiwork: matchmakers and the bride's father "beat hands", as if concluding a commercial deal ( "You have goods, we have a merchant"). The vein was subsequently replaced dowry. The dowry began to be collected from birth. It was said: "Daughter in a cradle - a dowry in a little box". It was folded into box, I will hide, chest. A bride with a good dowry was called dowry, with bad - dowry. "Take the dowry, but the talanna" (talan - happy fate of a person). Loaf - it is a ritual, specially made bread, with which the young were greeted from the crown. The loaf was decorated with scarves, red ribbons, viburnum.

A traditional wedding ceremony is not only a family holiday, but also a sacred phenomenon with its religious and magical side, and a legal and everyday act. A collective feast was certainly arranged - feast for the whole world (red table, princely table).

A wedding is a complex dramatic game that consisted of several acts and usually lasted from 3 to 10 days. Among the wedding ranks were: horny - relatives of the bride; squad, boyars - companions of the groom; boyars, bridesmaids - companions of the bride; voyeurs - singing girls.

The main poetic genre of the South Russian wedding is songs. For Russians, this type of ritual is local (Don, Kuban).

The North Russian wedding is dramatic, so lamentations are its main genre. They were performed throughout the entire rite. Mandatory was bath, which ended the bachelorette party. The North Russian wedding was played in Pomorie, in the Arkhangelsk, Olonets, Petersburg, Vyatka, Novgorod, Pskov, Perm provinces.

The belt was a universal talisman - a piece of clothing that takes the shape of a circle. It was believed that the "demon is afraid" of the belted, so they went to get married in the belt. The magical properties of the belt fastened the union of the young: they tied the bride and groom, a knot with a dowry, a wedding cake with it.

The initiation included rituals with hair, changing hairstyles: braiding, braiding for sale, twisting. This ancient custom was associated with the belief in the magical power of hair.

The Russian girl wore one braid. It was unraveled at a bachelorette party and usually was no longer braided until the crown. The bride gave her friends her braids ki - braid ribbons. Ritual braid sales was a reminiscence of the purchase of the bride herself. "Take the scythe with your head" - her mother said to the groom. The braid was sold by the bride's youngest bachelor brother or another boy relative named brace. The rounding up is one of the culminating elements of the ceremony, which took place immediately after the wedding (in the church gatehouse, the refectory, or, upon arrival, in the husband's house). The bride was given a woman's hairstyle (two braids twisted around her head) and her hair was matched to a woman's headdress (kokoshnik, kichku with magpie, warrior, collection). Unlike a girl, a woman always had to walk with her head covered. On this occasion, a proverb has been added: "A little bit drunk, but worn forever."

The poetry of the wedding had a deep psychologism, depicting the feelings of the bride and groom, their development during the ceremony. The role of the bride was especially difficult from a psychological point of view, so folklore painted a rich palette of her emotional states... The first half of the wedding ceremony, while the bride was still in her parents' house, was filled with drama, accompanied by sad, elegiac works. At the feast (in the groom's house), the emotional tonality changed dramatically: idealization of the participants in the feast prevailed in folklore, and merriment sparkled. For a wedding of the North Russian type, the main folklore genre there were lamentations. They expressed only one feeling - sadness.

Wedding songs are the most significant, best-preserved cycle of family ritual poetry. Matchmaking was conducted in a conventional poetical and allegorical manner. Matchmakers called themselves fishermen, hunters, bride - white fish, marten. During the matchmaking, the bridesmaids could already sing songs: ritual ") and lyrical, in which the theme of the girl's loss of her will began to be developed ( "The viburnum was boasted ..."). Paired images-symbols from the natural world appear in the songs, for example Kalinushka and a nightingale ("On the mountain, there was a viburnum In a circle ..."). The motive of the trampled girlish will is being developed (the bride is depicted through the symbols of a pecked berries, caught fish, wounded coons.

In the songs of the bachelorette party, monologic forms appeared on behalf of the bride. She said goodbye to free will and her stepfather's house, reproached her parents for giving her in marriage. Reflecting on her future life, the bride imagined herself white swan, caught in the herd gray geese, who pinch her. The mother or married sister taught the bride how to behave in a new family:

"You wear a dress, don't wear it out,

You endure grief, do not tell. "

The songs often contain the plot of the bride's passage or transportation over a water barrier, associated with the ancient understanding of the wedding as an initiation. The culmination of the entire wedding ritual was the wedding day, on which the marriage and the dignity of the young family took place.

In the morning, the bride woke up her friends with a song in which she announced her bad dream: crept up to her cursed woman's life. While dressing the bride and waiting for the groom's wedding train, they sang lyrical songs expressing the extreme degree of her sorrowful experiences. Ritual songs were also filled with deep lyricism, in which marriage was portrayed as an inevitable event. But then the wedding train arrived. Guests in the house are like a hurricane, sweeping away everything in its path. This is depicted by means of hyperbolas: broke down the new hall, melted a couple of gold. At this time, scenes were played out, based on the ransom of the bride or her double - maiden beauty. Their execution was facilitated by wedding sentences, which were of a ritual nature. The sentences had other functions: they idealized the whole situation and the participants in the wedding, humorously defused the difficult psychological situation associated with the departure of the bride from the parental home.

Sentences are rhymed or rhythmic poetry. In the Kostroma region, after the arrival of the wedding train, a take-out scene was played Christmas trees - maiden beauty, which was accompanied by a great sentence. Herringbone was pronounced by one of the bride's friends, she pronounced the verdict. There was improvisation in the construction of the verdict. Then a greeting was spoken to the travelers. Their idealization could receive epic development: they went to get the bride clear fields, green meadows, dark forests ... The difficult path of the groom's train was conveyed by hyperboles. Hyperboles were also used in another epic part - in the story of how girls mined and decorated herringbone.

Herringbone was the main character... Further, there was a round of those present and the demand for payment for herringbone. They started with the groom, then turned to friends, matchmakers, relatives. The ways in which they were encouraged to "bestow". Each giver extinguished the candle. When all the candles were extinguished, the girl who pronounced the sentence turned to the bride. She spoke of the inevitable parting with beauty and the loss of the bride forever of her girlhood. Herringbone carried out of the hut, the bride was crying. Throughout the game situation, a psychological parallel between herringbone-maiden beauty and a bride. Compositionally, the sentences consisted of a monologue, but the appeals to the participants in the ritual led to the emergence of dialogical forms and gave the sentences the character of a dramatic presentation.

The most solemn moment of the wedding was a feast (princely table). Here they sang only funny songs and danced. Bright artistic development had a ritual of dignity. Great songs were sung to the newlyweds, wedding ranks and all guests, for this ygrits(singers) were presented with sweets, gingerbread, money. The stingy ones performed parody glorification - cinnamon songs that could be sung just for laughter. Great songs can be compared to hymns, they are characterized by solemn intonation, high vocabulary. The purpose of the corny songs is to create caricatures. Their main artistic technique is grotesque. At the groom a grove has grown on a hump, a mouse has built a nest in its head; at the matchmaker the back is like an avalanche, well ...- breadbasket, peritoneum - swamp;

The portraits of corny songs are satirical, the ugly is exaggerated in them. Reduced vocabulary serves this. Corylial songs achieved not only a humorous goal, but also ridiculed drunkenness, greed, stupidity, laziness,

All the works of wedding folklore used an abundance of artistic means: epithets, comparisons, symbols, hyperboles, repetitions, words in affectionate form (with diminutive suffixes), synonyms, allegories, addresses, exclamations, etc. Wedding folklore asserted an ideal, sublime world, living according to the laws of goodness and beauty.